Showing posts with label terrorism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label terrorism. Show all posts

Sunday, June 21, 2009

New Broom asks for new leadership in Minneapolis

"A new broom sweeps clean"

New Broom was formed in September 2008 in response to the RNC. Police
state tactics by cops and sheriffs, aided and abetted by Mpls & StPaul
mayors and city councils. Mayors and councils already selling out the
cities and citizens to developers/predators.

New Broom is: Dems, libertarians, Greens, Ron Paul Republicans,
anarchists, Independents, independents, Open Progressives. New Broom
contains several serious policy/ordinance/procedure wonks deep in city
meetings, documents line by line, casting light in dark corners.

New Broom for now concentrates on Mpls, because the mayor and whole city
council are up this November 2009.

New Broom grades the 13 members of the Mpls City Council:

grade ward/incumbent
F 1/Ostrow
C- 2/Gordon
D- 3/Hofstede
F 4/Johnson
F 5/Samuels worst of all
F 6/Lilligren second worst
F 7/Goodman
C- 8/Glidden
C- 9/Schiff
D+ 10/Remington
D- 11/Benson
D- 12/Colvin-Roy
D+ 13/Hodges

Average: D-/D. Mean: D-.
We deserve better. Lots better. B or better.
The lower the grade, the bigger the broom should be.
Ostrow-1, Remington-10 & Benson-11 won't run again.
Gordon's earlier C dropped to C- for endorsing RT (RNC/stadium) Rybak.

New Broom will in the future report on, and in many cases grade,
opposition candidates as they reveal themselves.

Monday, January 05, 2009


This is Mordecai Specktor's Political Matters column regarding the RNC08 debacle. You cannot find this online, but was originally published in print by The Circle News.

My personal feelings is that Democrats like Ramsey County Attorney Susan Gaertner and Saint Paul Mayor Chris Coleman don't give a damn about the First Amendment. Their focus is on power, first and foremost.

Tuesday, December 30, 2008

GREEN PARTY CONDEMNS ATTACKS ON GAZA


The Green Party of Minnesota condemns the ongoing bombing of the Palestinian territory of Gaza by the Israeli military. Hundreds of Palestinians have been killed, and many more are seriously wounded. There can be no justification for this violence.

The situation is compounded by the ongoing humanitarian disaster caused by the
18 month long siege imposed by Israel as an illegal act of collective
punishment. The 1.5 million residents of Gaza were already facing
malnutrition and shortages of medical supplies, water, and electricity.
Hospitals that were already barely functioning are now overwhelmed with the
wounded.

We call upon our representatives and our government to condemn these attacks
and to work for an immediate ceasefire. This must be backed up by a cessation
of all aid to Israel as long as it persists in these crimes against humanity
and against international law. The silence of our leaders has allowed the
siege to continue, and it has encouraged this escalation.

We support our 2008 Presidential candidate, Cynthia McKinney, as she
courageously takes part in a shipment of medical aid that will break through
the siege of Gaza. She is onboard a ship leaving from Cyprus on a mission
organized by Free Gaza, a group that has successfully defied the siege several
times in the last five months.

This crisis is urgent, and it is likely to be ongoing. Israel has threatened
to continue and to escalate its violence until it achieves its goals. Our
response must be immediate and ongoing as well. In that spirit, we endorse
the following actions sponsored by WAMM (Women Against Military Madness):

Protest the Israeli Actions in Gaza and U.S. Unconditional Support of Israel
Tuesday, December 30th, 10am to 5pm or office closing
1) Minneapolis office of Senator Amy Klobuchar: 1200 Washington Avenue South, Suite 250
2) Office of Congressperson Keith Ellison: 2100 Plymouth Ave N, Minneapolis

We also encourage our members and the public to contact their representatives.

Green Party of Minnesota

Dave Bicking, Spokesperson, 612-276-1213
Rhoda Gilman, Spokesperson, 651-224-6383

Saturday, September 13, 2008

Democrats' Collaboration at Republican National Convention Exposed. Secret meetings authorized excessive use of force.















We know the stories of police abuse, mass arrests, targeting journalists, street medics, use of rubber bullets, plastic bullets, wooden baton rounds, mace, tear gas, tasering and other differently lethal methods of crowd control in St Paul and Minneapolis this week. What is not known is how the local Democratic Party and other so called progressive elected officials collaborated with authorities in the past weeks and months before the RNC Convention in St Paul, giving them legal authority for their excesses and abuses of power.

This is your Independent Journalista's on-the-ground account of what happened and how local elected officials collaborated with the authorities and again abandoned their Oath to Protect and Defend the Constitution from All Enemies, Foreign and Domestic. This is the news that you will not hear from the corporate media, Air America, the Nation magazine or other so called progressive, alternative media outlets. This is true, muckraking journalism that honestly speaks truth to power, no matter how uncomfortable it makes some folks.

Now, before we get to the facts surrounding how our elected officials betrayed us and the Bill of Rights, a truth must be stated. No matter what the local City Councils of St Paul and Minneapolis did, the authorities would have done what they did.

This story is not about that. It is instead about how the local government knowingly collaborated with them, with no input from citizens and finally passed a Resolution granting them legal authority to use rubber and plastic bullets, wooden baton rounds, tasers and chemical weapons that were deployed against peaceful protesters, journalists and street medics treating the victims of their brutality in a secret meeting with no public allowed.

In the months before the Republicans came to town, there had been a flurry of activity. Local activists were keeping a close eye on their local elected officials. Initially, there had been a so called Free Speech Committee set up, supposedly to look at how authorities could allow free speech during the RNC and keep order.

However, local activists immediately developed some serious concerns. We found out that the Free Speech Committee did not allow any members of the public to add our input. Only City Council members on the committee and lawyers were allowed to speak. There was no free speech allowed at the misnamed Free Speech Committee.

Nonetheless, activists followed the Committee's actions closely and were present during each meeting. The City Council of Minneapolis is almost 100% Democratic. In fact the only real opposition in Minneapolis is the Green Party which currently has one Green on the City Council, Cam Gordon, who was a small light in a very dark room. But, we were to discover, even that light was to be extinguished.

The so called Free Speech Committee would change the time and locations of its meetings, in an obvious attempt of loosing the local activists who were closely following their intents and actions. During this time, Councilman Gordon kept the local activist community appraised of when and where these meetings were being held, including last minute changes. There was much talk of using the Washington Model of crowd control versus other Models. The Washington Model was touted as being a little less restrictive.

There was also discussion on protest groups being required to register themselves and even their members, to be "allowed" to protest. At these times, Cam Gordon spoke eloquently on behalf of the community and in opposition to these repressive measures. When he spoke, he drew cheers from the activists present. We also waved our protest signs in agreement each time. We would also boo when the head of the Committee, Paul Ostrow, would make an especially egregious remark. That was the extent of public participation and free speech at the so called Free Speech Committee meetings.

This went on for moths at a time. Then suddenly we found out that the Free Speech Committee had their last meeting, July 16th. The meeting itself was unannounced, unlike the other meetings which at least had a pretense of openness and public inclusion. At the next Minneapolis City Council meeting July 25th, the recommendation of the misnamed Free Speech Committee was announced. The Free Speech Committee Resolution passed unanimously, even by our one small light, Councilman Cam Gordon.

The Minneapolis Police were given "legal" authority to shut down any protest or group of 25 people or greater. They were also authorized to use rubber bullets, mace and the other array of non-lethal weapons on innocent, peaceful demonstrators, practicing our First Amendment Rights. Also violated repeatedly was the Fourth Amendment Right protecting us citizens against illegal search and seizure. Police violated the laws of assault and battery and destruction of evidence of their crimes, as evidenced by their targeting journalists. All talk of the Washington Model was removed.

As this Resolution was passed by the large Democratic majority Minneapolis City Council july 25th, another protest broke out. Local activists presented each member of the Minneapolis City Council, including Mayor RT Ryback with a Statement of Reprobation, condemning them for this betrayal of our most precious right to Free Speech, Assembly and Peaceful Petition of Our Government.

One of the main organizers, Michelle Gross of Communities United Against Police Brutality, presented the Statement of Reprobation to both Councilman Cam Gordon and the head of the Free Speech Committee, Councilman Paul Ostrow. Another was handed to Mayor RT Ryback.

During this presentation, a young man, Jude Ortiz with Coldsnap Legal Collective, read aloud the charges against the Minneapolis City Council. When he did so, he was bundled off the podium by Minneapolis Police and brought to the Hennepin County Jail. He was later released uncharged.

All Minneapolis City Councils are taped and shown on local Public Access TV - all except for this one, which has never seen the light of day. Clearly, the "progressive" City Council had something to hide.

Since then, Michelle Gross was arrested twice, during peaceful protests that were targeted by police.

Many of the examples of excess and police brutality and thuggery were practiced by Minneapolis Police. But, all of these actions and betrayals were mirrored by the 100% Democratic City Council of St Paul. Both Mayor RT Ryback and Mayor Chris Coleman, who laud themselves as "progressive" held a Press Conference, calling the RNC Convention a "success."

Ironically, we now have a number of the very City Councilpersons who gave our rights away, without a fight, now engaging in tough talk and rhetoric. This includes my own Councilwoman Elizabeth Glidden and Councilman Gary Schiff. Covering Your A** with tough talk will not make up for your betrayal of the citizens of our country, Council members and Mayors. Not even close.

I ask the question again. What do we do about it? I leave the answer up to you.


Michael Cavlan , RN, was an Official Green Party Observer for the 2004 Ohio Re-Count. He was the Green Party Candidate for US Senate 2006.

Thursday, September 04, 2008

Why We Were Falsely Arrested


by Amy Goodman

ST. PAUL, Minn. - Government crackdowns on journalists are a true threat to democracy. As the Republican National Convention meets in St. Paul, Minn., this week, police are systematically targeting journalists. I was arrested with my two colleagues, "Democracy Now!" producers Sharif Abdel Kouddous and Nicole Salazar, while reporting on the first day of the RNC. I have been wrongly charged with a misdemeanor. My co-workers, who were simply reporting, may be charged with felony riot.

The Democratic and Republican national conventions have become very expensive and protracted acts of political theater, essentially four-day-long advertisements for the major presidential candidates. Outside the fences, they have become major gatherings for grass-roots movements - for people to come, amidst the banners, bunting, flags and confetti, to express the rights enumerated in the Constitution's First Amendment: "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances."

Behind all the patriotic hyperbole that accompanies the conventions, and the thousands of journalists and media workers who arrive to cover the staged events, there are serious violations of the basic right of freedom of the press. Here on the streets of St. Paul, the press is free to report on the official proceedings of the RNC, but not to report on the police violence and mass arrests directed at those who have come to petition their government, to protest.

It was Labor Day, and there was an anti-war march, with a huge turnout, with local families, students, veterans and people from around the country gathered to oppose the war. The protesters greatly outnumbered the Republican delegates.

There was a positive, festive feeling, coupled with a growing anxiety about the course that Hurricane Gustav was taking, and whether New Orleans would be devastated anew. Later in the day, there was a splinter march. The police-clad in full body armor, with helmets, face shields, batons and canisters of pepper spray-charged. They forced marchers, onlookers and working journalists into a nearby parking lot, then surrounded the people and began handcuffing them.

Nicole was videotaping. Her tape of her own violent arrest is chilling. Police in riot gear charged her, yelling, "Get down on your face." You hear her voice, clearly and repeatedly announcing "Press! Press! Where are we supposed to go?" She was trapped between parked cars. The camera drops to the pavement amidst Nicole's screams of pain. Her face was smashed into the pavement, and she was bleeding from the nose, with the heavy officer with a boot or knee on her back. Another officer was pulling on her leg. Sharif was thrown up against the wall and kicked in the chest, and he was bleeding from his arm.

I was at the Xcel Center on the convention floor, interviewing delegates. I had just made it to the Minnesota delegation when I got a call on my cell phone with news that Sharif and Nicole were being bloody arrested, in every sense. Filmmaker Rick Rowley of Big Noise Films and I raced on foot to the scene. Out of breath, we arrived at the parking lot. I went up to the line of riot police and asked to speak to a commanding officer, saying that they had arrested accredited journalists.

Within seconds, they grabbed me, pulled me behind the police line and forcibly twisted my arms behind my back and handcuffed me, the rigid plastic cuffs digging into my wrists. I saw Sharif, his arm bloody, his credentials hanging from his neck. I repeated we were accredited journalists, whereupon a Secret Service agent came over and ripped my convention credential from my neck. I was taken to the St. Paul police garage where cages were set up for protesters. I was charged with obstruction of a peace officer. Nicole and Sharif were taken to jail, facing riot charges.

The attack on and arrest of me and the "Democracy Now!" producers was not an isolated event. A video group called I-Witness Video was raided two days earlier. Another video documentary group, the Glass Bead Collective, was detained, with its computers and video cameras confiscated. On Wednesday, I-Witness Video was again raided, forced out of its office location. When I asked St. Paul Police Chief John Harrington how reporters are to operate in this atmosphere, he suggested, "By embedding reporters in our mobile field force."

On Monday night, hours after we were arrested, after much public outcry, Nicole, Sharif and I were released. That was our Labor Day. It's all in a day's work.

Amy Goodman is the host of "Democracy Now!," a daily international TV/radio news hour airing on more than 700 stations in North America.

Monday, July 21, 2008

Anti-Democracy Democrats facing Felony Charges

Attorney General Corbett announces charges in legislative bonus investigation - 12 suspects charged in 1st phase of the investigation

Bonus-Probe1-366x244

Click here to watch video of the news conference

HARRISBURG - As part of an ongoing public corruption investigation, agents from the Attorney General's Office today filed numerous theft charges, as well as criminal conspiracy and conflict of interest charges, against 12 suspects, including a state representative from Beaver County, a former House Democratic Minority Whip and four current House Democratic staffers. The investigation has uncovered the illegal use of millions of dollars in taxpayers' funds, resources and state employees for political campaign purposes.

Attorney General Tom Corbett said the charges are part of an ongoing grand jury probe into bonuses paid to employees of the Pennsylvania Legislature along with the use of state resources for political campaigns. (Read the Harrisburg Grand Jury Presentment - Read the Pittsburgh Grand Jury Presentment) Among those charged are former House Democratic Minority Whip Mike Veon, Michael Manzo, the former chief of staff to Pennsylvania Democratic House Majority Leader H. William DeWeese and Beaver County State Representative Sean Ramaley.


Mike VEON


Sean RAMALEY

Michael MANZO

Rachel MANZO

Scott BRUBAKER

Jennifer BRUBAKER

Brett COTT

Jeff FOREMAN

Annamarie PERRETTA-ROSEPINK

Stephen KEEFER

Patrick J. LAVELLE

Earl MOSLEY
Also charged are four current members of the House Democratic Caucus: Jeff Foreman, chief counsel to House Democratic Majority Whip Keith McCall and former Veon chief of staff; Rachel Manzo, executive director of the House Democratic Policy Committee and wife of Michael Manzo; Jennifer Brubaker, director of the Legislative Research Office for the House Democratic Caucus and Patrick Lavelle, a research analyst for the House Democratic Caucus.

Also charged are former House Democratic Caucus employees Scott Brubaker, the former director of staffing and administration for the House Democratic Caucus and husband of Jennifer Brubaker; Brett Cott, a former analyst on Veon's Capitol staff; Steven Keefer, the former director of information technology for the House Democratic Caucus; Earl Mosley, the former director of personnel for the House Democratic Caucus and Annamarie Perretta-Rosepink, a former legislative assistant and district chief of staff in Rep. Veon's Beaver County office

Corbett explained that his office initiated the investigation after a series of newspaper stories revealed that millions of dollars of taxpayer funded bonuses were paid to employees of the Pennsylvania Legislature.

As part of the investigation, Corbett said, agents and prosecutors from the Public Corruption Unit interviewed hundreds of individuals and reviewed thousands of documents and e-mails. Grand juries in Pittsburgh and Harrisburg heard testimony and reviewed extensive documentary evidence from numerous current and former House Democratic Caucus employees, attorney general agents and other witnesses.

The Pittsburgh grand jury began receiving testimony in June of 2007 regarding Veon's use of his district legislative office for political purposes and the Harrisburg grand jury began receiving testimony in August of 2007.

The Harrisburg grand jury found that the award of bonuses was only one facet of the effort to use employee taxpayer funds and resources for campaign purposes. Additionally, the grand jury found that the actual diversion of resources and employees to campaigns and political endeavors was of no less importance. The theft of taxpayers' funds and resources was extensive and ranged from the obvious - directing public employees to conduct campaign work while paid by the taxpayers, to the subtle - issuing taxpayer paid contracts for campaign work disguised as legitimate legislative work.

The Habay Precedent
Corbett said the investigation, prosecution, conviction and prison sentence of former Republican Representative Jeff Habay in 2004 and 2005 by the Attorney General's Office for using his legislative staff for campaign and fundraising purposes should have put legislative leaders and their staffs on notice that the Attorney General's office and the courts take a stern view of such illegal activity.

Corbett said the grand jury used the guidance of the Pennsylvania Superior Court in its Habay decision, when the Court stated that an elected representative is "not allowed to direct state paid employees under his authority to conduct campaign and or fundraising related work, during state paid time, for his personal benefit." The court said such actions secure "a private monetary advantage" for an elected representative because, "by having state employees work for him on his campaign and or fundraising task while they were being paid by the state, he obtained the benefit of free campaign work funded by the taxpayers."

As part of the investigation, Corbett said, on Aug. 23, 2007, attorney general agents executed a search warrant on the Democratic Legislative Research Office and seized 20 boxes, the contents of which were reviewed by the grand jury. Corbett noted that the search warrant was executed after his agents obtained evidence that House Democratic staffers were destroying the contents of boxes.

Corbett said the grand juries heard former staffers and employees of Veon, the minority whip for the House Democratic Caucus from 1998 through 2006, who described a culture of employing taxpayer funding and resources for campaign purposes.

The grand jury found that to be an employee on Veon's staff, campaign work was expected. The illegal campaign work was directed by Veon's district chief of staff Annamarie Perretta-Rosepink in Beaver County and by Jeff Foreman in Harrisburg.

Brett Cott's title on Veon's staff was policy analyst, but according to numerous witnesses he was hired because of his campaign skills and was one of the lead promoters of the culture of using taxpayer funds for campaign purposes.

The grand jury also found that Michael Manzo, who was DeWeese's chief of staff, directly coordinated with Veon on the illegal use of taxpayer funds and resources.

2004 Election of Sean Ramaley
In 2004, when Ramaley ran for the 16th legislative district, which includes parts of Beaver and Allegheny counties, he left his job as a lawyer with the U.S. Department of Labor. After Ramaley won the Democratic Party primary, Veon offered him a position as a legislative assistant in his Beaver Falls district office. Ramaley started on June 25, 2004.

The grand jury found that Veon's hiring of Ramaley was never intended to serve his constituents, but was purely a "no-work job" which allowed Ramaley to run his campaign directly from Veon's taxpayer-funded district office with the assistance and direction of Veon's taxpayer paid political operatives.

The grand jury heard testimony from one of Veon's political operatives assigned to work with Ramaley, stating that he and Ramaley typically began their campaign work around 9 a.m. by making fundraising telephone calls in an office they shared at Veon's Beaver Falls taxpayer-funded district office. After fundraising calls, they knocked on doors until dark and followed-up by compiling voter data in Veon's district office for the remainder of each day. Ramaley used Veon's district office equipment, including the computers, phones, printers and copier.

The grand jury found that Ramaley, in agreement with Veon, used taxpayer funded resources for campaign purposes, accepted a salary as a taxpayer funded legislative assistant in Veon's office, provided no work in return for the benefit of the people of Pennsylvania but instead, used the job as a taxpayer-funded base of operations for his own political campaign.

The Birth of the Illegal Bonus Program
The grand jury found that in 2004, Veon and Manzo directed Eric Webb, a House Democratic Caucus employee, to maintain a list of all House Democratic Caucus employees who assisted with political and campaign related work.

Webb was directed to track campaign work performed by "volunteers" in the field and also to track all manner of other campaign work as directed by Veon, Manzo and others. Webb was instructed to classify the type of work performed and also to monitor and critique the efforts and time committed by the House Democratic Caucus employees. Webb's list formed the basis of who would receive taxpayer bonuses.

The grand jury found that the political culture created by Veon consistently sought to promote and reward, with taxpayer monies, those staffers engaged in political endeavors and campaign work, as opposed to those engaged solely in work on behalf of the taxpayers, such as legislative and constituent work.

Webb, who testified before the grand jury under a grant of immunity, stated that it was clearly understood by all of these employees that campaign work was part of their public employment and not something done after work hours or on personal time. Webb also detailed to the grand jury how the "volunteer" list that he maintained was specifically designed to act as a foundation for an "incentive" structure to entice House Democratic Caucus employees to commit greater efforts and time on political endeavors and campaigns.

The grand jury found that Webb's 2004 list cataloged 458 House Democratic Caucus employees by using a computer program that noted the various efforts and campaign activities of the "volunteers." The 2004 list, like all subsequent lists, detailed the type and amount of campaign work performed by public employees.

Webb's 2004 list cataloged, to name a few, efforts such as: the number of days each employee spent on campaigns or campaign activities; whether employees worked on the special election in the 109th Legislative District; assisted on the petition challenge to Green Party Presidential candidate Ralph Nader; conducted opposition research; circulated nominating petitions; made campaign contributions to DeWeese, Veon or the House Democratic Campaign Committee and, if so, the amount contributed. The list also noted whether employees worked on overnight trips, when they worked on day trips and whether they worked on Election Day.

The grand jury found not a single entry on Webb's 2004 list, or his lists for the following years, for legitimate legislative work or constituent services. Webb testified that such work was completely irrelevant to the purpose of the list or to those who directed its creation.

Following the 2004 general election, at Michael Manzo's request, Webb provided a breakdown of those who excelled on the selected campaigns and political endeavors. Webb provided a list of those who he described as "superstars" and forwarded it to Michael Manzo and Veon. The grand jury found that, subsequently, a number of other names were added, such as those individuals who worked in Veon's Harrisburg and district offices. After Webb complied, highlighting those who had done the most, Manzo told Webb that these people were going to receive an award for their campaign efforts. In 2004, a total of $188,800 of taxpayer funds was paid to these staffers as a reward for their participation in political endeavors and campaign work.

2005 Bonuses
The grand jury found that Webb continued the tracking of "volunteers" by creating a new list in 2005. Webb created new rankings of Rock Stars, Good, and OK for the employees on his list. The list revolved largely around two special elections, one held in July of 2005 in a legislative district in the Allentown area between Linda Minger and Karen Beyer and another in a legislative district in Allegheny County.

The grand jury heard numerous witnesses testify that by the time of the Minger - Beyer special election in July of 2005, the word had spread among House Democratic Caucus employees that working on campaigns was the best method to obtain a bonus.

The grand jury found that in 2005, despite being an off-year for legislative elections, the House Democratic Caucus produced more volunteers than it had in the 2004 legislative election year. For example, the Minger-Beyer race alone drew more than 170 "volunteers" from the House Democratic Caucus.

More than $106,000 in taxpayer funded bonus checks were issued to all the employees on Webb's list who performed campaign work in 2005. An additional $61,500 in taxpayer funds was paid in December 2005 in the form of "executive bonuses" to those supervisors in the House Democratic Caucus who were most intimately involved in the conducting and promoting of campaign work.

Gone Fishing
The grand jury heard testimony from a Democratic House staffer who testified about his understanding that the bonuses were tied directly to campaign work. He stated that in 2005 there was an extremely large push to get volunteers to go to Allentown to work the special election on behalf of Linda Minger, the Democratic candidate.

The House staffer testified that he traveled to the Minger campaign office with two other House employees who brought their fishing gear. Upon their arrival, they were given campaign literature and directed to distribute it. Instead, they went to breakfast, threw away the campaign literature and went fishing. About a month later, the three employees got identical $250 bonuses. The employee stated to the grand jury that, "we joked when we got the bonuses - we're not idiots - we figured out what it was for, we all joked that we are professional fishermen now."

2006 Bonuses
The election year of 2006 would prove to be the largest effort yet undertaken as part of the incentive scheme. Eric Webb testified that in 2006 the pay raise vote had "changed the whole map." He testified that there were many "more seats in play" requiring more volunteers to do everything from opposition research to campaign work in the field. It was also a unique year because both caucus leaders, Veon and DeWeese, had serious challengers. As a result of these factors, the campaign efforts started in earnest very early in the year.

Whether measured by the effort expended in tracking the campaign work of caucus employees, the number of bonus recipients or the dollar amounts expended on bonuses, 2006 far exceeded the prior years. Webb told the grand jury that after everyone who worked on the special election in 2005 got bonuses, "it became very apparent" to the caucus employees that "if they volunteer, they get a bonus." As a result, when the election cycle of 2006 started, Webb stated: "more and more people are volunteering that I haven't seen before because of the incentive structure."

By the end of 2006, two waves of bonuses had been issued for campaign work - one in August and one at the end of the year. A total of $1,285,250 was paid in public funds for secret bonuses in 2006.

The grand jury found that around August or September 2006, Michael Manzo approached Eric Webb and told him that his wife, Rachel Manzo, was bored with her $78,000-a-year job as the executive director of the House Tourism Committee and would be helping Webb out on the volunteer list effort.

Webb testified that Rachel Manzo kept her own duplicate copy of the volunteer list and was assigned to monitor specific legislative races. Webb testified that he and Rachel Manzo were in constant contact for several months, exchanging the list back and forth with updates and additions. He explained this was the only way to ensure that accurate records of the "volunteer efforts" were being maintained. Webb also discussed how Rachel Manzo had prepared her own variation of the list during the 2006 Veon primary race, where she traveled to Beaver County and worked at least four to five weeks as the volunteer coordinator on Veon's race.

The grand jury found that after the 2006 Veon primary election, in addition to maintaining the "volunteer" list with Webb, Rachel Manzo was involved in various campaign activities over the summer and fall, assisting with opposition research, petition challenges and the recruitment and assignment of "volunteers" for campaign work. In October she was dispatched to assist Representative Rick Taylor's campaign in Montgomery County.

Veon's Capitol Campaign Organization
The grand jury found that Veon, who had one of the largest Capitol and legislative staffs of any member, ran an illegal campaign organization from his offices which included fundraising, opposition research, the preparation and distribution of campaign mailings, blast e-mail messages and nomination petition challenges.

The grand jury found that Veon, through Foreman and Cott, directed Veon's employees to "volunteer" for work on specific political campaigns. Veon's employees accumulated days or weeks of fraudulent comp time so they could spend time away from their legislative offices and still be paid their taxpayer-funded salaries while they worked on campaigns.

The grand jury also heard how Veon turned his Beaver County district office into a campaign machine. The office equipment including the copy machine, computers and printers were all used to create and print campaign material.

Fundraising
The grand jury found that Veon created and operated a massive fundraising operation within an office suite in the Capitol, which was fueled almost exclusively by personnel and resources paid for by the taxpayers.

The operation was led by Veon, who put Patrick Lavelle in charge. Witnesses testified that Lavelle was simply known as the "fundraiser" for Veon and appeared to have no other duties beyond fundraising. Many of those who worked around him everyday testified that they had never seen him do anything but fundraising.

The grand jury found that Lavelle worked closely with and received direction from Veon, Foreman, Cott and Peretta-Rosepink. The grand jury found that virtually every aspect of the fundraising operation was orchestrated out of Veon's Capitol offices. Lavelle built extensive campaign donor lists and all of Veon's fundraisers were meticulously planned and organized from the Capitol. Veon's staff booked locations, prepared menus, established guest lists and assembled the invitations for Veon's fundraisers. All of these efforts were conducted under the direct supervision of Veon and Foreman.

Campaign and Fundraising Mailings
The grand jury found that another significant operation of Veon's Capitol staff involved the writing, printing and folding of tens of thousands of fundraising and campaign mailings, all completed at taxpayers' expense. Keefer performed most of the graphic design work on the mailings and the bulk of this illegal operation took place behind closed doors of Veon's Capitol suite.

Opposition Research
The grand jury also found that under the direction of Veon, opposition research was conducted by Democratic Caucus employees. Opposition research is an extensive investigation into the personal and professional life of political opponents and details the strengths and weaknesses of an opponent in an attempt to find general and specific campaign strategies for defeating the opponent. These opposition research reports are detailed, often taking weeks to prepare and are frequently more than 100 pages in length. This was all done at taxpayers' expense for the benefit of campaigns.

Corbett noted that the boxes that his agents seized from the Legislative Research Office contained hundreds of instances of opposition research and reports dating back to 1990.

Petition Challenges
The grand jury found that employees and resources of the House Democratic Caucus were historically and routinely used to conduct petition challenges against candidates who were opponents of Democratic House candidates or the Democratic Party. This effort was typically led by Michael Manzo or Cott. Employees were not required to, and did not, take leave for the time spent during their regular work hours on challenging nominating petitions.

These efforts were by no means limited to House races. Two outstanding examples of misappropriation of taxpayers' resources on petition challenges were the Ralph Nader for President of the United States in 2004 and the Carl Romanelli for the United States Senate in 2006.

The grand jury found that as many as 50 Democratic House Caucus staff members participated in the Nader petition challenge and contributed a staggering number of man-hours. A House Democratic employee testified before the grand jury that "everybody was working on this." It was virtually a caucus wide endeavor and many of the employees spent an entire week on the Nader petition challenge.

Upon the successful challenge to the Nader petition, Veon sent an e-mail to his staff stating:

"FYI .great job by our staff! This would have never been successful without your work. You have given John Kerry an even better opportunity to win this state.one of the 5 most important states to win this year."

"This is a very significant fact and significant contribution by each one of you to the Kerry for president campaign.you should take great pride in your efforts."

The Romanelli petition challenge was led by Cott, who announced it was very important to "leadership" that Romanelli not appear on the ballot. Staffers were told "not to worry about leave," but to focus on getting the petition challenges done as soon as possible.

Leader's Communication Office
The grand jury found that in 2003, Veon and Michael Manzo established the Leader's Communication Office (LCOMM), directed by Stephen Keefer. The supposed purpose of the office was to communicate to the residents of Pennsylvania about legislative efforts and agendas, through internet websites and blast e-mails. The reality proved to be quite different.

One of the people who worked in the Leader's Communication Office was Eric Buxton, who testified about the extensive campaign work performed by the LCOMM office. For example, he detailed about how he set up the entire House Democratic Campaign Committee website in 2004, while he was employed by the taxpayers. Buxton also detailed how campaign e-mails were written and sent from inside the Capitol by use of an offsite server, located in Michigan, which masked the true origin of the e-mails.

Buxton testified before the grand jury that he began negotiations in 2005 with Michael Manzo and Keefer that he should leave the caucus and start his own company to do work for the caucus on a contract basis. They agreed and Buxton formed a company called Govercom, and the House Democratic Caucus paid him $10,000 a month from September 2005 through the end of 2005 and $16,875 a month from Jan. 1, 2006 through the end of September 2007.

Buxton testified that his contract appeared to be for legitimate legislative work performed by his company, but that the contract was for services completely unnecessary to the Caucus and was a vehicle for the House Democratic Caucus to pay for campaign e-mail communication.

From subpoenaed contracts, invoices and Buxton's records, the grand jury found that the House Democratic Caucus paid $420,000 to Buxton's company between August 2005 and October 2007. Additionally, the grand jury discovered a second vendor, Gravity Webb Media, who was engaged in campaign work by providing candidate websites and mass e-mails. This cost the taxpayers more than $82,000 in 2006. This amounted to more than a half million dollars in taxpayers' funds used solely for campaign work.

Jeff Foreman's Private Law Practice
The grand jury found that Foreman, while employed as Veon's chief of staff, was paid $103,408 in 2004 and received a bonus of $8,315. In 2005 his salary was $118,352 and received a bonus of $5,565. In 2006 he was paid $126,204 and received a bonus of $14,815. Additionally, Forman worked at his own private law firm, Foreman & Foreman, and billed clients at the rate of $200 per hour. He often claimed to work a full day for the taxpayers, claimed multiple additional "compensatory" time for the taxpayers and claimed significant hours for his private legal practice. Sometimes, these totals exceeded 24 hours in a day.

Corbett said the grand jury found that while he was physically present at his legislative job in the Capitol, Foreman was actually doing work for his private law firm. Thus, the taxpayers paid Foreman, in salary, bonus, and compensatory time, to work on his private law firm business.

Michael Manzo's Ghost Employee
The grand jury found that in the summer of 2004, Michael Manzo met Angela Bertugli, a 21-year-old legislative intern, with whom he allegedly developed a long-running sexual liaison that continued through November 2007.

In September 2005 Manzo created a taxpayer-funded job for Bertugli in Pittsburgh and put her in charge of the Pittsburgh Field Office for the newly formed House Allegheny County Delegation.

Bertugli did not go through an interview or job application process prior to starting her "employment" and was not told what she would be doing, however she was told by Manzo to report on Sept. 12, 2005, to an office located above a cigar store in Pittsburgh.

The grand jury found that other DeWeese staffers were not aware that Bertugli had been hired or that there even was a Pittsburgh Field Office for the House Allegheny County Delegation. Staffers for the representative who chaired the Allegheny County Delegation were unaware of the existence, location or staff of such an office. Since the 19 Allegheny County Representatives already had offices, there was absolutely no need for an Allegheny County Delegation office. In fact, the grand jury found that no such office ever existed.

Bertugli, who was going to graduate school in Pittsburgh, was classified as a part-time employee and received an annual income of $21,091. Bertugli was given very few assignments by Manzo and had nothing to do up to 70 percent of the time and instead was being paid by the taxpayers to do her schoolwork or for doing nothing at all. The tasks that she did receive from Manzo were campaign related.

In 2006, Bertugli's annual salary was increased to $29,103, because her "employment" status was supposed to be increased to four days per week. She also received a $7,065 bonus in 2006. Her actual duties remained the same and the percentages of schoolwork/idleness and campaign work remained constant until she left the Pittsburgh office in July 2007.

In July 2007, Manzo arranged for Bertugli to be transferred to the Democratic Caucus Legislative Research Office in Harrisburg to accommodate Bertugli's acceptance into a Harrisburg law school.

A grand jury review of Bertugli's e-mails revealed both the intimate nature of her relationship with Manzo, as well as the political nature of the endeavors undertaken by Bertugli while she was "employed" in Pittsburgh.

Testimony from various witnesses and e-mail evidence corroborated the "ghost" aspects of Bertugli's position. One DeWeese assistant testified that:

"We don't know who works there and I don't know what is going on out there. I don't want to know, but it just didn't seem kosher to me. So, I never asked anybody about it after that. I just let it drop."

Another DeWeese staffer testified before the grand jury that neither he nor any of his co-workers among the leadership staff ever had professional contact with Bertugli or any Pittsburgh regional office. That staffer stated:

".I never knew anybody who interacted with Angela Bertugli. She - we figured it was a favor. I think she went to college in Pittsburgh, but they gave her the job as a favor."

By hiring Bertugli the grand jury found that Michael Manzo created an unnecessary, useless, non-productive position in an equally wasted location.

Veon's Vacation to South Dakota
The grand jury found that in 2004, Veon used two public employees, at taxpayer expense, to assist him with his vacation to South Dakota. He had them drive his and his wife's motorcycles to Sturgis, S.D., to save him the time and allow him to fly there and have the motorcycles waiting. The travel expenses, which totaled nearly $1,500, included flights for these public employees and were paid by the taxpayers.

Veon's Basketball Dinners
From 2002 through November of 2006 the grand jury found that Mike Veon, along with other House Democratic Caucus Members and certain employees, played basketball on Tuesday nights. Veon staffers were tasked with taking food orders from the players, ordering and purchasing food, and arranging it on Veon's conference table in his capitol offices for the returning players.

Veon's basketball dinners cost from approximately $100 to nearly $300. All of these dinners were paid from Veon's contingency account with taxpayer funds. The grand jury found that the taxpayers paid more than $22,000 for Veon's basketball dinners.

Corbett said the defendants will be arraigned before Harrisburg Magisterial District Judge Joseph Solomon, 1705 N. Front St., Harrisburg, 717-255-1365. They will be prosecuted in Dauphin County by Chief Deputy Attorney General Frank Fina, Senior Deputy Attorney General Anthony Krastek, Senior Deputy Attorney General Patrick Blessington and Deputy Attorney General James Reeder, all of the Attorney General's Public Corruption Unit.

Corbett said the investigation is continuing and that more arrests are expected.

Below is a list of the defendants and the charges against them:

Michael R. Veon, 51, 2527 N. 2nd St., Harrisburg, is charged with 11 counts each of conflict of interest, theft by unlawful taking or disposition, theft of services, theft by deception, theft by failure to make required disposition of funds and four counts of criminal conspiracy. He faces a maximum penalty of 381 years in prison and $805,000 in fines.

Sean M. Ramaley, 33, 3 Leaf Court, Baden, is charged with one count each of conflict of interest, theft by unlawful taking or disposition, theft by deception, theft of services, theft by failure to make required disposition of funds and criminal conspiracy. He faces a maximum penalty of 40 years in prison and $85,000 in fines.

Michael Manzo, 39, 6200 Run Cross Lane, Enola, is charged with nine counts each of conflict of interest, theft by unlawful taking or disposition, theft by deception, theft of services, theft by failure to make required disposition of funds and two counts of criminal conspiracy. He faces a maximum penalty of 311 years in prison and $660,000 in fines.

Rachel L. Manzo, 27, 6200 Run Cross Lane, Enola, is charged with two counts each of conflict of interest, theft by unlawful taking or disposition, theft by deception, theft of services, theft by failure to make required disposition of funds and criminal conspiracy. She faces a maximum penalty of 80 years in prison and $170,000 in fines.

Scott V. Brubaker, 43, 24 N. 20th St., Camp Hill, is charged with four counts each conflict of interest, theft by unlawful taking or disposition, theft by deception, theft of services, theft by failure to make required disposition of funds and two counts of criminal conspiracy. He faces a maximum penalty of 144 years in prison and $310,000 in fines.

Jennifer K. Brubaker, 35, 24 N. 20th St., Camp Hill, is charged with three counts each of conflict of interest, theft by unlawful taking or disposition, theft by deception, theft of services, theft by failure to make required disposition of funds and two counts of criminal conspiracy. She faces a maximum penalty of 113 years in prison and $240,000 in fines.

Brett W. Cott, 36, 1305 ½ Green St., Harrisburg, is charged with eight counts each of conflict of interest, theft by unlawful taking or disposition, theft by deception, theft of services, theft by failure to make required disposition of funds and two counts of criminal conspiracy. He faces a maximum penalty of 272 years in prison and $575,000 in fines.

Jeff Foreman, 57, 705 ½ Front St., Harrisburg, is charged with four counts of conflict of interest, five counts of theft by unlawful taking or disposition, five counts of theft by deception, four counts of theft of services, four counts of theft by failure to make required disposition of funds and two counts of criminal conspiracy. He faces a maximum penalty of 160 years in prison and $340,000 in fines.

Annamarie Perretta-Rosepink, 45, 1421 5th Ave., Beaver Falls, is charged with four counts each conflict of interest, theft by unlawful taking or disposition, theft by deception, theft of services, theft by failure to make required disposition of funds and two counts of criminal conspiracy. She faces a maximum penalty of 146 years in prison and $310,000 in fines.

Stephen Keefer, 38, 12 Circle Drive, Fredericksburg, is charged with three counts each of each conflict of interest, theft by unlawful taking or disposition, theft by deception, theft of services, theft by failure to make required disposition of funds and one count of criminal conspiracy. He faces a maximum penalty of 106 years in prison and $225,000 in fines.

Patrick J. Lavelle, 29, 211 Boas St., Harrisburg, is charged with one count each of conflict of interest, theft by unlawful taking or disposition, theft by deception, theft of services, theft by failure to make required disposition of funds and criminal conspiracy. He faces a maximum penalty of 40 years in prison and $85,000 in fines.

Earl J. Mosley, 52, 872 Country Lake Dr., Harrisburg, is charged with three counts of conflict of interest, three counts of theft by unlawful taking or disposition, two counts of theft by deception, three counts of theft of services, three counts of theft by failure to make required disposition of funds and one count of criminal conspiracy. He faces a maximum penalty of 106 years in prison and $225,000 in fines.

(A person charged with a crime is presumed innocent until proven guilty.)

###

Tuesday, June 10, 2008

The Impeaching of President George W. Bush

Ohio Congressman Dennis Kucinich last night introduced 35 Articles of Impeachment against President George W. Bush in a dramatic presentation of the floor of the House of Representatives that last nearly five hours.

Saturday, April 26, 2008

Bin Laden NOT responsible for 9-11?

Osama bin Laden’s role in the events of September 11, 2001 is not mentioned on the FBI’s “Ten Most Wanted” poster.

On June 5, 2006, author Ed Haas contacted the Federal Bureau of Investigation headquarters to ask why, while claiming that bin Laden is wanted in connection with the August 1998 bombings of US Embassies in Tanzania and Kenya, the poster does not indicate that he is wanted in connection with the events of 9/11.

Rex Tomb, Chief of Investigative Publicity for the FBI responded, “The reason why 9/11 is not mentioned on Osama bin Laden’s Most Wanted page is because the FBI has no hard evidence connecting bin Laden to 9/11.” Tomb continued, “Bin Laden has not been formally charged in connection to 9/11.” Asked to explain the process, Tomb responded, “The FBI gathers evidence. Once evidence is gathered, it is turned over to the Department of Justice. The Department of Justice then decides whether it has enough evidence to present to a federal grand jury. In the case of the 1998 United States Embassies being bombed, bin Laden has been formally indicted and charged by a grand jury. He has not been formally indicted and charged in connection with 9/11 because the FBI has no hard evidence connecting bin Laden to 9/11.”

Haas pauses to ask the question, “If the US government does not have enough hard evidence connecting bin Laden to 9/11, how is it possible that it had enough evidence to invade Afghanistan to ‘smoke him out of his cave?’” Through corporate media, the Bush administration told the American people that bin Laden was “Public Enemy Number One,” responsible for the deaths of nearly 3,000 people on September 11, 2001. The federal government claims to have invaded Afghanistan to “root out” bin Laden and the Taliban, yet nearly six years later, the FBI said that it had no hard evidence connecting bin Laden to 9/11.

Though the world was to have been convinced by the December 2001 release of a bin Laden “confession video,” the Department of Defense issued a press release to accompany this video in which Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld said, “There was no doubt of bin Laden’s responsibility for the 9/11 attacks even before the tape was discovered.”

In a CNN article regarding the bin Laden tape, then New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani said that “the tape removes any doubt that the US military campaign targeting bin Laden and his associates is more than justified.” Senator Richard Shelby, R-Alabama, the vice chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee said, “The tape’s release is central to informing people in the outside world who don’t believe bin Laden was involved in the September 11 attacks.” Shelby went on to say “I don’t know how they can be in denial after they see this tape.”

Haas attempted to secure a reference to US government authentication of the bin Laden “confession video,” to no avail. However, it is conclusive that the Bush Administration and US Congress, along with corporate media, presented the video as authentic. So why doesn’t the FBI view the “confession video” as hard evidence? After all, notes Haas, if the FBI is investigating a crime such as drug trafficking, and it discovers a video of members of a drug cartel openly talking about a successful distribution operation in the United States, that video would be presented to a federal grand jury. The participants identified in the video would be indicted. The video alone would serve as sufficient evidence to net a conviction in a federal court. So why, asks Haas, is the bin Laden “confession video” not carrying the same weight with the FBI?
Haas strongly suggests that we begin asking questions, “The fact that the FBI has no hard evidence connecting Osama bin Laden to 9/11 should be headline news around the world. The challenge to the reader is to find out why it is not. Why has the US media blindly read the government-provided 9/11 scripts, rather than investigate without passion, prejudice, or bias, the events of September 11, 2001? Why has the US media blacklisted any guest that might speak of a government-sponsored 9/11 cover-up, rather than seeking out those people who have something to say about 9/11 that is contrary to the government’s account?” Haas continues. “Who is controlling the media message, and how is it that the FBI has no ‘hard evidence’ connecting Osama bin Laden to the events of September 11, 2001, while the US media has played the bin Laden-9/11 connection story for [six] years now as if it has conclusive evidence that bin Laden is responsible for the collapse of the twin towers, the Pentagon attack, and the demise of United Flight 93?”

UPDATE BY ED HAAS

On June 6, 2006 the Muckraker Report ran a piece by Ed Haas titled “FBI says, ‘No hard evidence connecting bin Laden to 9/11.’” Haas is the editor and a writer for the Muckraker Report. At the center of this article remains the authenticity and truthfulness of the videotape released by the federal government on December 13, 2001 in which it is reported that Osama bin Laden “confesses” to the September 11, 2001 attacks. The corporate media—television, radio, and newspapers—across the United States and the world repeated, virtually non-stop for a week after the videotape’s release, the government account of OBL “confessing.”

However, not one document has been released that demonstrates the authenticity of the videotape or that it even went through an authentication process. The Muckraker Report has submitted Freedom of Information Act requests to the FBI, CIA, Department of Defense, and CENTCOM requesting documentation that would demonstrate the authenticity of the videotape and the dates/circumstances in which the videotape was discovered. CENTCOM has yet to reply to the FOIA request. After losing an appeal, the FBI responded that no documents could be found responsive to the request. The Department of Defense referred the Muckraker Report to CENTCOM while also indicating that it had no documents responsive to the FOIA request either.

The CIA however claims that it can neither confirm nor deny the existence or nonexistence of records responsive to the request. According to the CIA the fact of the existence or nonexistence of requested records is properly classified and is intelligence sources and methods information that is protected from disclosure by section 6 of the CIA Act of 1949, as amended. Therefore, the Agency has denied your request pursuant to FOIA exemptions (b)(1) and (b)(3).

Many people believe that if the videotape is authentic, it should be sufficient hard evidence for the FBI to connect bin Laden to 9/11. The Muckraker Report agrees. However, for the Department of Justice to indict bin Laden for the 9/11 attacks, something the government has yet to do, the videotape would have to be entered into evidence and subjected to additional scrutiny. This appears to be something the government wishes to avoid.

Some believe that the video is a fake. They refer to it as the “fat bin Laden”video. The Muckraker Report believes that while the videotape is indeed authentic, it was the result of an elaborate CIA sting operation. The Muckraker Report also believes that the reason why there is no documentation that demonstrates that the videotape went through an authenticity process is because the CIA knew it was authentic, they arranged the taping.

It is highly probable that the videotape was taped on September 26, 2001—before the US invaded Afghanistan.

Source:
The Muckraker Report, June 6, 2006, and Ithaca Journal, June 29, 2006
Title: “FBI says, ‘No Hard Evidence Connecting Bin Laden to 9/11’”
Author: Ed Haas
http://www.teamliberty.net/id267.html

Student Researcher: Bianca May and Morgan Ulery
Faculty Evaluator: Ben Frymer, Ph.D.

http://www.projectcensored.org/top-stories/articles/16-no-hard-evidence-connecting-bin-laden-to-9-11/
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