Sunday, September 30, 2007

Target sells non-Organic at Organic prices

I wrote this letter today for Target. It concerns their lack of discipline selling organic foods, specifically milk. Feel free to modify a copy and send a letter yourself! Keep corporations informed of the need to have a healthy economy means caring for our home ( Earth ).

Kevin Chavis
2406 17th Avenue South
Minneapolis, MN 55404

T 612 7290330




September 30, 2007
Robert J. Ulrich
Chairman and CEO
Target Corporation
1000 Nicollet Avenue
Minneapolis, MN 55403

Dear Robert,

I am rather upset about an article I recently read in the Sunday edition of the Star Tribune. It appears that your Archer Farms brand sells milk that claims to be Organic but is not. You can claim that it was potentially organic, but that would be very hard to buy. The organic food industry is very lucrative, and like any other rapidly expanding market, ripe for corruption. This is a black mark on your company and taints my opinion of the entire Archer Farms brand.

I am fully aware that Archer Farms is a brand. It sounds like a true farm, and does probably mislead masses. The City Pages ran an article about the brand and its ambitious plans. I think it is great that you create store brands that create added value for your store. I was hoping you would go the route of Roundy’s organic store brands, marketing at us eco-conscious consumers. But the organic milk incident does not help your cause.

Honestly, my preference for food shopping starts with the local coops, then Rainbow, and lastly you. The potential for change is there, especially if you focus on relocalizing your store contents. But this latest incident only reifies what organic consumers fear, that major corporations do not care about the standards and only want our money. I am not an anti-capitalist, my priority is fixing our environment through the dollar.

Here’s a way to regain our confidence: go beyond the ho-hum spiffy organic of the corporate market. Ensure that your suppliers are adequately certified. Label the products in a way that consumers can virtually visit the farms as Organic Valley does. And inform the public of the value of organic foods - health, environment, and local agriculture economy. A carbon impact label would also be helpful, as Wal-Mart now keeps track of several items. Visit the Wedge Coop - you get a receipt that shows you the percentage of products you purchased locally!

As savvy as Target has been this century, I am certain you will find a way to strike a balance between profit and the common good. Your actions make a huge impact, whether that is positive or not long-term will be determined by choices made today.

Thank you for your time.

Sincerely yours,


Kevin Chavis
------
further sources:

City Pages: The Farm that doesn't exist
Star Trib: Was Target's organic milk just regular?

Saturday, September 29, 2007

How You Can Support the People of Burma

Buddhist Peace Fellowship Action Alert/News

Action Alert:
How You Can Support the People of Burma


The news from Burma is not good, with reports of the Myanmar military troops occupying monasteries, arresting monks, and cutting off all communications to the outside, including Internet. The number of people killed varies from source to source, with the official Myanmar government report at 10, but it's probably many more.

It continues to be critical for both the Myanmar and Chinese government to know that the whole world is watching this situation. Many vigils are being organized, including some generating from the BPF community.

As the situation in Burma grows more urgent, your support and involvement can make a big difference to the people of Burma (Myanmar).

What you can do:

1) Join or organize a vigil in your town or city. We have posted a
calendar of vigils on the BPF website
. There are currently events scheduled in New York City, San Francisco, Chicago, Washington DC, and Milan (Italy). We are updating the list regularly, so please keep checking it. Check with your local BPF chapter to see if they are planning a vigil.

2) Sign a petition showing your support.
* Our friends at the Buddhist Channel have initiated a global petition to garner support for the Holy Sangha. Please go to the petition online here
and follow the instructions given. This page also includes address information for the Myanmar (Burmese) Embassy in a number of countries.

* Sign the US Campaign for Burma's petition


3) Light a candle and place it in your window every night this week, along with a sign in support of the nonviolent protest. Click here to visit our website where you can download a sign that reads "The World is Watching -- Free Burma!"


Wednesday, September 19, 2007

Green Party urges dropping all Jena Six charges, probe racism in justice system


search: lwcj, spol


___

Disclaimer: State, local, and candidate press releases made available here represent the opinions of the original source only. Opinions expressed by a state party or candidate do not necessarily represent the views of the Green Party of the United States. State party contact information, when provided with candidate releases, does not imply state party endorsement of the opinions expressed nor of the candidate (prior to gaining formal nomination by the party).
___

Office: PO Box 57065 Washington, D.C. 20037
Email: office@gp.org 202-319-7191 or toll-free (US): 866-41GREEN

Monday, September 10, 2007

Living in desperation: my life in Kenya

This is the first edition of an ongoing series. Look for the second edition next monday.
By Kathryn Nelson

there's no real beginning or end to my story of Africa. The memories of my two months there have bled into every part of my existence and are completely inescapable.

In Kenya, I was the story keeper. People saw who I was and where I came from and believed if I understood their pain I would be compelled to tell others here. So with that, I became the guardian of their stories. I promised the women, the children, the old and young that I would do my best to tell their secrets and take their burdens as my own.

This is my own story of Africa. Of suffering, religion, hope, death and personal resurrection. Once you read this, these stories will become your own and with them will come the burdens of the destitute. Take them on, share them and let them haunt you in your dreams like they do me.

The Displaced

I was granted an internship in May 2007 with the Kenyan Red Cross working in the conflict-torn area of Mount Elgon which spans Kenya and Eastern Uganda. An ongoing tribal war over land rights had irrupted once again, leaving thousands of internally displaced persons, or IDPs, raw for the picking by warlords, rebels and the Municipal Police. My job was to deliver humanitarian supplies and report my findings to Kenyan officials.

I had worked in other humanitarian crises previously, but as soon as I laid eyes on Mount Elgon, I realized this was so utterly different from anything I had ever experienced. The raw brutality of daily existence seeped from every corner of the country. There were children without any clothes, babies with giant stomachs, women burdened with 15 little ones and people dying by the minute right in front of my eyes.

There wasn't one moment in my two-month trip that I was removed from the worst form of poverty and suffering imaginable.

When I arrived at the camp for the first time there was already a large crowd waiting for help. Some came to see if the Red Cross funding crisis had subsided and others came to see a white person for the first time.

I was immediately mobbed by a group of curious children yelling, "mzungu!" (white person!) and pulling on my straight brown hair. While the older children dared their friends to touch my skin, the little ones would usually cry until their mothers gathered them in their arms to shield them from the ghost.

I stood in front of the group of IDPs and was asked to make an announcement about why I came to see them. I don't remember exactly what I said, I'm sure it wasn't too poignant or profound. I do remember telling them I was from America and that I was going to try to help them the best I could. I also remember a woman raising her hand and quietly asking, "So are going to save us?"

That woman continues to haunt me.

As I toured the first IDP camp I was introduced to a woman who said she had been raped two weeks previously by a policeman who was in charge of securing the area. The woman told her story without tears or open anguish. She showed no worry about the possibility of testing positive after the assault or the shunning she was sure to experience. She only sat there stoically and handed her story to me.

From there I moved to another camp in Cheptais to hand out food donations. Once again, there were hundreds waiting to receive aid and there was obviously not enough to go around.

I was told the bare procedural details of how to distribute food but was utterly unprepared for the chaotic process. At a previous distribution, a Red Cross volunteer was bitten by one of the IDPs out of their desperation for the dwindling amount of food.

Toward the end of the delivery, we ran out of sacks of food and knew we wouldn't receive another shipment for weeks. I was scooped back into the SUV by the Kenyan volunteers before anything erupted, and sped away from the area. There were still people clinging to the back of our truck as we drove away.

One of the last places I visited in Mount Elgon was the spot where several people were found beheaded and dismembered by the rebels. The land was still scorched from the fires lit by the Municipal Police in an attempt to rid the area of the clashing tribes.

I wanted to meet these rebels who had caused such unbelievable pain, and confront the police that were raping women and killing innocent civilians. So I did.

I left early the next morning with Stéphanie Braquehais, a reporter from Radio France Internationale, to visit the Sabaots rebel group. I had seen their faces plastered on Kenya's most wanted fliers and was eager to know who these fighters really were.

During the past few months, the government had increased their military presence in the area, forcing the Sabaots to move deep into the forests. Along with a handful of Red Cross volunteers to translate, Braquehais and I teetered on the rocky ledges of the mountain as native children ran past us laughing at the awkward mzungus.

When we arrived at our destination - an abandoned church - the leader was already waiting. He was dressed in plain clothes but had a number of radio devices to communicate with the other rebels.

We were told to place our cameras and phones on the table in front of us and were thoroughly questioned about our intentions.

As rebels filled the room, I began to notice that most of us were the same age. Although they had committed unbelievable acts of violence, they had the same faces as my friends at home.

We stayed for more than two hours, listening to stories about their struggles, families, children and dreams. They prayed for us when we departed the church and asked us to tell their story to others about the raping of their land.

I never went back to Mount Elgon.

During my last week in Kenya I turned the television on to learn that those same Sabaots fighters had been shot and killed by the local police. A stunning victory, the government claimed.

The Sabaots' prayers for peace didn't resolve the brutality in the region nor save their children from their torturous future.

They were left to die, shot and dumped in a river to be forgotten. Their photos are still on Kenya's most wanted posters. It is the only testament to their struggle.

Kathryn Nelson is the Daily's projects editor. She welcomes comments at kgnelson AT mndaily.com.

Sunday, September 02, 2007

The Energy Emergency


By Mortimer B. Zuckerman

Oil is America's Achilles heel. WE are addicted to it. Every American consumer burns about double what a European consumes—26 barrels a year for us, 12 for Europeans. We have 5 percent of the world's population and consume 25 percent of the world's oil, and we have only 3 percent of the world's reserves. If you think there is a gas crunch now, marked by the largest oil price spike in a generation, it will be a bagatelle when China and India bring a couple of billion more people on to their highways: They are replicating our love affair with the automobile. Expect them within a generation to buy 80 million cars.

We are in a new world order. The balance of power has shifted between the fuel-guzzling West and the oil-rich producing countries. They have increasing leverage over us, with political, economic, and military consequences. We are literally over a barrel.

Here's how the chips fall. After World War II, the oil world was dominated by the "Seven Sisters," the name given to the oil companies controlling Middle East oil. These have shrunk to four: Chevron, British Petroleum, Exxon Mobil, and Royal Dutch Shell. They have been pushed aside by seven state-owned national companies, Seven Brothers, if you like: Saudi Arabia's Aramco, Russia's Gazprom, CNPC of China, NIOC of Iran, Venezuela's PDVSA, Brazil's Petrobras, and Petronas of Malaysia. The Seven Brothers control almost a third of the world's oil and gas production and more than a third of its total oil and gas reserves. By contrast, the survivors of the Seven Sisters control only about 10 percent of output and hold just 3 percent of the reserves. The Brothers are the rule makers, the international oil companies the rule takers. It is not going to change. In the next 40 years, 90 percent of new supplies, according to the International Energy Agency, will come from developing countries. Thirty years ago, 40 percent came from the industrialized nations.

Massive consequences. Nor is oil discovery keeping pace with demand. In 1930, we found 10 billion new barrels of oil and used 1.5 billion; in 1964, we discovered 48 billion barrels and consumed approximately 12 billion; in 1988, we found 23 billion barrels and used 23 billion barrels; in 2005, we found 5 billion to 6 billion barrels and consumed 30 billion barrels. With countries like China and India now in the mix, worldwide demand is growing by an average of 2 million to 3 million barrels a day every year. The world has to discover a new Saudi Arabia-size oil supplier every five years to meet this demand. But it's just not going to happen. These overwhelming numbers could produce oil prices above $100 a barrel in short order, which will ultimately have massive consequences for the world's economy and the way we live our lives. They might well cause a global recession.

How will we in the West cope when by 2030 the IEA nations will have to import 85 percent of their oil (it's 63 percent today)? None of the oil companies are investing enough. Big Oil in the West is allocating as much as 60 percent of profits to dividends and stock buybacks and reinvesting only about a third in the oil business. And the Seven Brothers are keeping an ever tighter leash on both production and investment.

They have the money, all right. Revenues have roughly doubled in the past four years. But their governments see high prices for us as meaning more income for them, while they see investment in new capacity as risking the kind of sharp price decline that occurred in the 1990s. So the national energy firms are obliged to dedicate a big chunk of their profits to support national treasuries and various political constituencies.

Mexico has treated its oil company as a national bank vault; Hugo Chávez of Venezuela spends two thirds (that's now about $7 billion) of PDVSA's budget on populist social programs; Gazprom spends the majority of its money on nonenergy activities such as banks and media companies. Even worse, because these national companies have become a source of political patronage, they are short of skilled workers and experienced managers. National pride inhibits them from relying on the technological skills of the western companies, so they don't have the professionals needed to grow their production (with the exception of Saudi Aramco and, to some extent, Petrobras). We can no longer count on the Middle East to act as the world's energy shock absorber, raising output to meet a shortage.

So much for supply. Simultaneously, the oil-producing countries are consuming more of their own production. While China's energy appetite has grabbed the headlines, by the end of this decade alone, domestic consumption will reduce the oil exports of the producers by as much as 2.5 million barrels a day. And they are guzzlers. How could they not be when gasoline prices in places like Venezuela, Iran, and the rest of the Middle East are as little as a tenth of U.S. domestic prices, averaging between 20 and 80 cents a gallon?

The net effect of all this is that the world is going to be even more energy dependent on the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries and Russia. Keeping oil safe for the West once meant safeguarding supply lines from the Middle East. Now we have to build alliances and deploy ships and troops to protect other supply routes outside the Middle East, going as far as the Caspian Sea, the Andean region of South America, and West Africa.

There are other political complications inhibiting new supplies. In many countries, environmental issues have become absolutist. They conflict with the capacity to tap additional energy resources in Alaska, not to speak of the continental shelf in the waters off the lower 48 states, which, according to a recent study by the National Petroleum Council, contains enough oil to provide gasoline for 116 million cars for 47 years. Some trade-off is going to have to be considered, and this will roil the political scene forever.

As for conservation, it is not enough for the West to improve its own energy policies. Countries such as India and China must also do so. We don't know how fast these countries can and will reduce the energy intensity of their own rapid economic growth. How are we going to maintain our efforts to fight global warming by curtailing carbon dioxide when consumers in developing countries thirsting for oil will want to resort to abundant national sources of coal? They will argue that they are entitled to a phase of cheap (that is, coal) energy-intensive economic development. Is it fair, they argue, to penalize them for coming late to the development party when rich countries, during their period of rapid growth, were allowed to use as much energy as they wished with no restrictions?

Political purposes. Then there are the implications of state-owned companies in countries like Russia and Venezuela that are not just responding to market forces but are using their pricing and power for political purposes. The income generated by oil exports has supported their authoritarian regimes, which means that political reform and liberalization may suffer as the oil wealth is used by leaders in producer states to buy off their opposition. The oil revenues have clearly helped Vladimir Putin in Russia, Chávez in Venezuela, and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in Iran. Indeed, they deliberately seek control of the energy sectors to make sure that they themselves are the source of opportunity and wealth for their people. So how is our policy of promoting democracy going to work when this oil wealth tends to empower authoritarian elites?

The big winners will be countries like Russia and the Middle East oil producers, including Iran. The big losers will be the poorer countries. The wealthier countries can absorb higher prices because of the continuing declines in the energy intensity of their growth. But poorer countries will be disadvantaged even more. Look at a poor country like Pakistan, which doesn't have oil and may lose as much as 10 percent of its gross domestic product over the next 25 years to higher oil prices. Pakistan's economy doesn't work well even today, and its demographic curve shows a continuing rise in population.

In America, the energy crunch will intensify a lot of old political issues and bring in some new ones. We have witnessed the bipartisan failure to institute a vigorous program of conservation. We have not even been able to enact an adequate, graduated program of targets for automobile and truck gas mileage. Despite their public advocacy and political promises, the Democrats in Congress have failed to take steps to deal with these issues. In fact, we live in a political culture where neither the Republicans nor the Democrats wish to ask Americans to make sacrifices, including taxes to reduce our consumption of gasoline. Just think: If our cars had the same energy efficiencies as Europe's today, we could save 4 million barrels a day-the equivalent of Iran's total production.

This whole question of energy should be a central issue in the presidential campaign. But which of the candidates has the nerve and ingenuity to devise a way of meeting environmental concerns while seeking reliable domestic production of energy at home? We certainly cannot assume that alternative energy sources will have a major impact on an acceptable cost basis. We can build as many wind farms as we like, or as many ethanol plants, but it is not going to be possible to make much of a dent at an acceptable cost, because of the enormous volume of our daily imports of oil.

We are facing a world of higher prices and increasingly tighter supplies, creating a growing gap between worldwide demand and worldwide production, at a time when non-OPEC energy production is peaking within a few years. Eventually, this will make us even more dependent on OPEC?with all of what that means. We also can't seem to develop an appropriate energy policy that by definition will take years to implement, so that delays are only postponing the higher costs to the next generation.

It is we who are placing our own country over a barrel now.

This story appears in the September 10, 2007 print edition of U.S. News & World Report.

Wednesday, August 08, 2007

Just say no to animal circuses in Minneapolis


Written by Kerry Ashmore
Posted 7/25/2007
Numerous thorny issues cloud the debate over how humans treat animals. One issue coming quickly to Minneapolis, however, has a clear and easy correct answer. We urge Minneapolis City Council members to ban wild animal circus performances in the city.

This will not require all of us to become vegetarians. It won’t ban laboratory research. It won’t be a death sentence for any animal that bites a human. Minneapolis taxpayers would simply be refusing to allow people to make money in the city through capturing and training wild animals, and would be foregoing any money the city and local businesses might make if the circus came to town.

This issue is similar to some other thorny issues, however, in that many people will oppose the ban because they don’t want to believe that circuses are necessarily cruel to animals. To support the ban, they would have to admit that the whole concept of capturing and training wild animals for human entertainment and enrichment is, and always has been, wrong; and that they have been wrong for not doing everything they could to ban the practice decades ago. Who wants to admit to something like that?

Our advice to them: Deal with it.

Yes, we humans have been wrong all along, and this is a baby step toward making things right.

Those who don’t want the ban will be quick to point to violent and illegal acts people have committed in the name of ending animal cruelty, and suggest that seeking to end animal cruelty somehow indicates that one condones such acts. That simply doesn’t pass the common sense test, and those who bring such incidents into the discussion are essentially admitting that they can’t come up with a reasonable defense for the way animals are treated in a circus setting. This shouldn’t come as a surprise, because there is no reasonable defense for it.

Some local people will lose some money if the ban is passed. Circus people stay in local hotels, eat in local restaurants and spend money in local stores. Our wise and resourceful officials can replace the circus with other events that don’t cause us to support unconscionable acts toward beings who, because of human intervention, are no longer able to defend themselves.

Humans, with complete freedom of movement and superior reasoning capability, grow weary of "life on the road," and with good reason. Circus animals are caged and moved from town to town, forced to perform unnatural acts and then caged and moved to yet another town for yet another performance. The best efforts of the most kind-hearted people in the world cannot make this process humane. It is cruel by its nature.

It’s unlikely that the circus people think that what they’re doing is inhumane. It’s only when city after city after city closes its doors that they will ask, "Why?" and perhaps begin to have second thoughts about the way animals have to be treated if they are to provide money-making entertainment to humans.

When and if our society becomes truly civilized, such entertainment will be banned entirely. Those animal-protection laws don’t exist now, and there isn’t a legal way to stop circus use of animals.

Minneapolis, however, has a chance to take one simple, straightforward action, and become the 29th American city to close its doors to wild animal circuses. It’s an action Minneapolis council members should take without delay, without regret and without dissent.


source: http://nenorthnews.com/Opinion.asp?view=574&paperID=1&month=

Green Movement primarily white

AlterNet

The New Environmentalists: How to Make the Green Movement Less White

By Van Jones, ColorLines
Posted on August 7, 2007, Printed on August 8, 2007
http://www.alternet.org/story/58613/

In response to mounting ecological crises, the United States is going through its most important economic transformation since the New Deal. Unfortunately, the vital process of change along more eco-friendly lines is moving ahead with practically zero participation from people of color.

Hundreds of mayors and several governors are bucking the Bush administration and committing themselves to the carbon-cutting principles of the Kyoto treaty on climate change. The U.S. Congress is debating an energy bill this year that could be a watershed for alternative energy sources.

What's more, regular people are way ahead of these leaders. U.S polls show super-majorities want strong action on the climate crisis and other environmental perils. And consumers are reshaping markets by demanding hybrid cars, bio-fuels, solar panels, organic food and more. As a result, the "lifestyles of health and sustainability" sector of the U.S. economy has ballooned into a $240 billion gold mine. And total sales are growing on a near-vertical axis.

The Economist magazine calls it "The Greening of America." Indeed, we are witnessing the slow death of the Earth-devouring, suicidal version of capitalism. We're even seeing the birth of some form of "eco-capitalism." To be sure, a more "ecologically sound" market system will not be a utopia. But at least it will buy our species a few extra decades or centuries on this planet.

That's the good news. Here is the bad news.

The celebrated "lifestyles" sector is probably the most racially segregated part of the U.S. economy; at present, it is almost exclusively the province of affluent white people. Few entrepreneurs of color are positioned to reap the benefits of the government's push to green the economy.

We are seeing a major debate about the direction of the U.S. economy -- in which communities of color apparently have nothing to say. Our near-silence on such key issues has no precedent, at least not since before the Civil War.

How can this be? Black, Latino, Asian and Native American communities suffer the most from the environmental ills of our industrial society. Our folks desperately need the new economic activity, investments and opportunities that this major transition is beginning to generate.

To put it bluntly, people of color have much more directly at stake in the greening of America than white college students do. Why are they marching for carbon caps, while most of us just yawn and change the channel?

When these new formations and networks emerge, all racial justice activists will become, in some sense, environmental justice activists.

More people of color have not yet grabbed the microphone for three reasons: our long-standing pattern of viewing environmental issues as luxury concerns; the mainstream media's "whites only" coverage of the green phenomenon; and serious structural impediments to action within the racial justice movement itself.

First of all, too often we have said: "We are overwhelmed with violence, bad housing, failing schools, excessive incarceration, poor healthcare and joblessness. We can't afford to worry about spotted owls, redwood trees and polar bears."

But Hurricane Katrina and its aftermath taught us that the coming ecological disasters will hit the poor first and worst. More of us are beginning to see that there can be no separation between our concern for vulnerable people and our concern for a vulnerable planet.

Secondly, any U.S. magazine's "Special Green Issue" typically will not show many people of color, despite the incredible achievements of numerous environmentalists of color across the country. Many racial justice activists see this kind of coverage, shrug our shoulders and understandably assume that green equals white.

But this is a mistake. When did we start trusting the corporate media to fairly calculate our interests in any major topic or development in U.S. society? When have our activists and advocates ever accepted their frame and parameters in determining what is important or what we should do? It should not surprise anyone that the mainstream media does not reflect our deep and profound interests in the greening of the economy. And it is high time for us to make our own assessment and create our own strategy for shaping the process in accordance with our interests.

Finally, at least among committed activists, there is a deeper reason that we have not mobilized at the appropriate scale. And that reason can be found within the structure of our racial justice movement itself. Our present deployment of resources simply does not let us meet the challenges and opportunities that the green revolution is generating, simply because it is nobody's job to take them on.

Because no racial justice organization can tackle every issue and champion every cause, our groups have evolved a fairly strict division of labor. A single organization will ordinarily focus on just one issue -- criminal justice, immigrant rights, economic justice, violence prevention, educational equity, school reform, reproductive justice, what have you. Out of deference to each other (and to stay within funders' guidelines), our organizations bend over backwards to keep within their chosen issue areas and to stay off each other's "turfs."

One important issue area is called "environmental justice." The environmental justice movement emerged in the 1980s to challenge toxic pollution in the neighborhoods of low-income people and people of color. Made up of hundreds of mostly small, tough and scrappy organizations, this movement has won many local and national victories over the past two decades. The "EJ" movement's (often pint-sized) dynamos have shut down scofflaw polluters, power plants and incinerators. They have cut toxic emissions and improved public health in innumerable communities. And their leaders have elevated the concept of "environmental racism" to mainstream prominence.

Because of this movement's success and visibility, most racial justice activists today presume that anything related to the environment falls under the purview of our existing environmental justice organizations. Therefore when we hear all this "green talk," we tend to either assume it doesn't have anything to do with our communities or that someone else already has the mandate and the capacity to deal with it. This assumption is another reason that other racial justice leaders tend to ignore "all of this green stuff."

Well, such an approach might have served us in years past, but not today.

Today's environmental justice movement was designed to protect our interests in a toxic, pollution-based economy. It was not designed to promote our interests in a mushrooming, $250 billion green economy. Nor was any other racial justice movement or network. It is wildly unrealistic to assume that the already over-stretched and under-funded EJ groups can somehow meet this colossal, historic challenge on their own. It is unfair to expect them to do so.

So we stand now at the dawn of a new economy. But no part of the racial justice movement is charged with the task of ensuring that the new laws and new industries do right by low-income people and people of color.

We must change this. If we do not get involved, we will end up with eco-apartheid -- a society with ecological haves and have-nots. Imagine a world in which wealthy people have clean air, fresh water, healthy food and no-cost energy, thanks to solar panels, organic agriculture and green technology. Meanwhile, poor neighborhoods continue to choke in the fumes of the last century's pollution-based industries.

To put it bluntly, people of color have much more directly at stake in the greening of America than white college students do.

We must say no to a future in which our peoples get hit "first and worst" by the coming ecological catastrophes and benefit "last and least" from the emerging ecological advances.

This next environmental revolution -- call it the "Green for All" revolution -- will require especially sophisticated and skilled leadership.

We will have to continue to fight corporate polluters. And we would also be wise to consider and explore partnerships with eco-capitalists, who are willing to grow their businesses in a cleaner and greener way. We will continue saying no to the economic oppression of the dying economy. But we must also learn how to say "yes" to economic opportunity of the emerging economy. As a part of a new economic strategy, we should help interested communities and workers to create their own green collectives and co-ops (as did the Green Workers' Cooperative in the South Bronx).

We will continue fighting for equal protection from the worst of the pollution-based economy. And we will also add demands for equal access and equal opportunity in the clean and green economy.

We will also need tighter formations -- united fronts that can work explicitly for racial justice and inclusion. These networks and coalitions will advance independent slogans, such as Majora Carter's demand to "green the ghetto" or the Ella Baker Center's call for "green-collar jobs, not jails" for urban youth. And they will be more comfortable for many people of color than many of the present "green wave" spaces.

When these new formations and networks emerge, all racial justice activists will become, in some sense, environmental justice activists. But by that point, the environmental justice movement itself will be transformed into a massive movement, focused on a new paradigm of economic development, fighting to birth a green economy that is strong enough to lift people out of poverty.

Van Jones is executive director of the Ella Baker Center for Human Rights in Oakland, California.

© 2007 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.
View this story online at: http://www.alternet.org/story/58613/

Bridge Collapse underscores poor transit and road funding


Dear Blog Reader,

Those of us working with Transit for Livable Communities are thinking about the transportation system all the time. Can everyone in our community get where they need to go? Can the system handle the upcoming population growth in the next decades? Does transportation make our communities healthier, safer, and more prosperous? The 35W bridge collapse is a dark time for transportation in our state, but it has also been a reminder of how heroic things can happen when we face a crisis together. We believe this crisis is an opportunity to bring Minnesotans together for a long-term, balanced solution for our transportation problems.

The bridge collapse has shaken us, as we assume it did all Minnesotans. It has raised many questions about how so much destruction, disruption, and personal loss could be caused by flaws in a system so many of us take for granted. In the last week, we've talked a lot about how to honor the losses caused by the bridge collapse, and to also move forward with our commitment to a safer, more reliable, more effective transportation system. As our state begins to look to the future, there will be decisions about the redesign of the bridge and the possibility of passing a transportation funding bill this fall. These issues naturally raise questions about balance and whether our responses will be focused on the short term or a long term solution.

We believe we can, as a community, learn from this tragedy. At TLC, we also know we need to recommit to the values on which our organization was founded:

  • We must invest in our communities, including transportation, to preserve our economic, environmental, and human health and our quality of life;
  • We must commit to maintain the transportation investments we make and to provide reliable service and maintenance for transit, roads, and bridges, even during economic downturns;
  • We must provide transportation choices throughout our communities, so that everyone can get where they need to go, and no one part of the system becomes overburdened;
  • We must recognize our regional connections and plan for the future health of our transportation system, which will look different than it does today;
  • We must focus our priorities on people, not just cars, and the personal impacts of the transportation system - our safety, time with our families, the air we breathe.

Transit for Livable Communities was founded to refocus transportation priorities toward people by helping more people participate in transportation and development decisions. We hope you'll continue to work with us to increase transportation choices, bring balance to the system, and increase transit, bike, and pedestrian investments.

We look forward to working together toward this shared future. Let us know if you want to know more about our work or want to get more involved.



Lea Schuster

Executive Director, Transit for Livable Communities

P.S. We join Minneapolis Mayor R.T. Rybak in encouraging people across the metro to bike, walk, or take transit to destinations in or near the city. While alternatives to driving are crucial to keeping our metropolitan region functioning at any time, the bridge collapse reminds us how they can be particularly important in times of crisis.

Metro Transit: www.metrotransit.org

City of Minneapolis: www.ci.minneapolis.mn.us

Downtown Minneapolis Transportation Management Organization: www.mplstmo.org

Tuesday, August 07, 2007

The New Environmentalists: How to Make the Green Movement Less White

By Van Jones, ColorLines

In response to mounting ecological crises, the United States is going through its most important economic transformation since the New Deal. Unfortunately, the vital process of change along more eco-friendly lines is moving ahead with practically zero participation from people of color.

Hundreds of mayors and several governors are bucking the Bush administration and committing themselves to the carbon-cutting principles of the Kyoto treaty on climate change. The U.S. Congress is debating an energy bill this year that could be a watershed for alternative energy sources.

What's more, regular people are way ahead of these leaders. U.S polls show super-majorities want strong action on the climate crisis and other environmental perils. And consumers are reshaping markets by demanding hybrid cars, bio-fuels, solar panels, organic food and more. As a result, the "lifestyles of health and sustainability" sector of the U.S. economy has ballooned into a $240 billion gold mine. And total sales are growing on a near-vertical axis.

The Economist magazine calls it "The Greening of America." Indeed, we are witnessing the slow death of the Earth-devouring, suicidal version of capitalism. We're even seeing the birth of some form of "eco-capitalism." To be sure, a more "ecologically sound" market system will not be a utopia. But at least it will buy our species a few extra decades or centuries on this planet.

That's the good news. Here is the bad news.

The celebrated "lifestyles" sector is probably the most racially segregated part of the U.S. economy; at present, it is almost exclusively the province of affluent white people. Few entrepreneurs of color are positioned to reap the benefits of the government's push to green the economy.

We are seeing a major debate about the direction of the U.S. economy -- in which communities of color apparently have nothing to say. Our near-silence on such key issues has no precedent, at least not since before the Civil War.

How can this be? Black, Latino, Asian and Native American communities suffer the most from the environmental ills of our industrial society. Our folks desperately need the new economic activity, investments and opportunities that this major transition is beginning to generate.

To put it bluntly, people of color have much more directly at stake in the greening of America than white college students do. Why are they marching for carbon caps, while most of us just yawn and change the channel?

When these new formations and networks emerge, all racial justice activists will become, in some sense, environmental justice activists.

More people of color have not yet grabbed the microphone for three reasons: our long-standing pattern of viewing environmental issues as luxury concerns; the mainstream media's "whites only" coverage of the green phenomenon; and serious structural impediments to action within the racial justice movement itself.

First of all, too often we have said: "We are overwhelmed with violence, bad housing, failing schools, excessive incarceration, poor healthcare and joblessness. We can't afford to worry about spotted owls, redwood trees and polar bears."

But Hurricane Katrina and its aftermath taught us that the coming ecological disasters will hit the poor first and worst. More of us are beginning to see that there can be no separation between our concern for vulnerable people and our concern for a vulnerable planet.

Secondly, any U.S. magazine's "Special Green Issue" typically will not show many people of color, despite the incredible achievements of numerous environmentalists of color across the country. Many racial justice activists see this kind of coverage, shrug our shoulders and understandably assume that green equals white.

But this is a mistake. When did we start trusting the corporate media to fairly calculate our interests in any major topic or development in U.S. society? When have our activists and advocates ever accepted their frame and parameters in determining what is important or what we should do? It should not surprise anyone that the mainstream media does not reflect our deep and profound interests in the greening of the economy. And it is high time for us to make our own assessment and create our own strategy for shaping the process in accordance with our interests.

Finally, at least among committed activists, there is a deeper reason that we have not mobilized at the appropriate scale. And that reason can be found within the structure of our racial justice movement itself. Our present deployment of resources simply does not let us meet the challenges and opportunities that the green revolution is generating, simply because it is nobody's job to take them on.

Because no racial justice organization can tackle every issue and champion every cause, our groups have evolved a fairly strict division of labor. A single organization will ordinarily focus on just one issue -- criminal justice, immigrant rights, economic justice, violence prevention, educational equity, school reform, reproductive justice, what have you. Out of deference to each other (and to stay within funders' guidelines), our organizations bend over backwards to keep within their chosen issue areas and to stay off each other's "turfs."

One important issue area is called "environmental justice." The environmental justice movement emerged in the 1980s to challenge toxic pollution in the neighborhoods of low-income people and people of color. Made up of hundreds of mostly small, tough and scrappy organizations, this movement has won many local and national victories over the past two decades. The "EJ" movement's (often pint-sized) dynamos have shut down scofflaw polluters, power plants and incinerators. They have cut toxic emissions and improved public health in innumerable communities. And their leaders have elevated the concept of "environmental racism" to mainstream prominence.

Because of this movement's success and visibility, most racial justice activists today presume that anything related to the environment falls under the purview of our existing environmental justice organizations. Therefore when we hear all this "green talk," we tend to either assume it doesn't have anything to do with our communities or that someone else already has the mandate and the capacity to deal with it. This assumption is another reason that other racial justice leaders tend to ignore "all of this green stuff."

Well, such an approach might have served us in years past, but not today.

Today's environmental justice movement was designed to protect our interests in a toxic, pollution-based economy. It was not designed to promote our interests in a mushrooming, $250 billion green economy. Nor was any other racial justice movement or network. It is wildly unrealistic to assume that the already over-stretched and under-funded EJ groups can somehow meet this colossal, historic challenge on their own. It is unfair to expect them to do so.

So we stand now at the dawn of a new economy. But no part of the racial justice movement is charged with the task of ensuring that the new laws and new industries do right by low-income people and people of color.

We must change this. If we do not get involved, we will end up with eco-apartheid -- a society with ecological haves and have-nots. Imagine a world in which wealthy people have clean air, fresh water, healthy food and no-cost energy, thanks to solar panels, organic agriculture and green technology. Meanwhile, poor neighborhoods continue to choke in the fumes of the last century's pollution-based industries.

To put it bluntly, people of color have much more directly at stake in the greening of America than white college students do.

We must say no to a future in which our peoples get hit "first and worst" by the coming ecological catastrophes and benefit "last and least" from the emerging ecological advances.

This next environmental revolution -- call it the "Green for All" revolution -- will require especially sophisticated and skilled leadership.

We will have to continue to fight corporate polluters. And we would also be wise to consider and explore partnerships with eco-capitalists, who are willing to grow their businesses in a cleaner and greener way. We will continue saying no to the economic oppression of the dying economy. But we must also learn how to say "yes" to economic opportunity of the emerging economy. As a part of a new economic strategy, we should help interested communities and workers to create their own green collectives and co-ops (as did the Green Workers' Cooperative in the South Bronx).

We will continue fighting for equal protection from the worst of the pollution-based economy. And we will also add demands for equal access and equal opportunity in the clean and green economy.

We will also need tighter formations -- united fronts that can work explicitly for racial justice and inclusion. These networks and coalitions will advance independent slogans, such as Majora Carter's demand to "green the ghetto" or the Ella Baker Center's call for "green-collar jobs, not jails" for urban youth. And they will be more comfortable for many people of color than many of the present "green wave" spaces.

When these new formations and networks emerge, all racial justice activists will become, in some sense, environmental justice activists. But by that point, the environmental justice movement itself will be transformed into a massive movement, focused on a new paradigm of economic development, fighting to birth a green economy that is strong enough to lift people out of poverty.

Van Jones is executive director of the Ella Baker Center for Human Rights in Oakland, California.

© 2008 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.
View this story online at: http://www.alternet.org/story/58613/

Thursday, August 02, 2007

Minnesota Green Party Response to I-35W Bridge Tragedy


The Green Party of Minnesota offers its condolences and shares in the grief of the many personally affected by the I-35W bridge collapse tragedy on August 1st. We are especially grateful for the heroic efforts made by fellow citizens and rescue workers who assisted those directly affected.

It is unfortunate that it takes a tragedy such as this to generate a reaction to our failing infrastructure in this country. Ralph Nader, the 2000 presidential candidate for the Green Party, has been addressing this concern for more than a decade. On July 27, 1999 he wrote an article in the Los Angeles Times entitled "Perspective on Federal Spending." In it he stated: "The debate over how to allocate funds must include how best to improve our great shared assets." His proactive opinions on protecting our country and its infrastructure along with our democracy have continuously been shut out from the mainstream debate, while the majority of our federal taxes are spent on an illegal and severely destructive war.

Hopefully, out of the tears and grief will come the appropriate investigations and necessary funds to prevent future infrastructure tragedies. We also hope that replacement, where needed, will include building along more environmentally friendly lines.

Saturday, July 28, 2007

Matt Gonzalez for President

How a Green Won
by John Halle / July 28th, 2007
Dissident Voice

AP, San Francisco: San Francisco Mayor Matt Gonzalez announced his
campaign for the Green Party nomination for Presidency today. He is
expected to encounter only token opposition at the Green Party nominating
convention in July. A likely running mate is Georgia representative
Cynthia McKinney, according to Green Party officials.

Pledging an immediate withdrawl of US troops from the Middle East, the
Gonzalez-McKinney ticket is expected to galvanize anti war activists
displeased with the current field of candidates all of whom are on record
as having supported President Bush's invasion and occupation of Iraq.
Congressional support of subsequent incursions into Syria and airstrikes
on major Iranian cities have led to numerous, increasingly disruptive
demonstrations across the nation.

Unlike previous Green Party candidates, Gonzalez brings to the table
substantial experience in governance. A big city mayor and public interest
lawyer, Gonzalez's resume is equivalent to that of his likely Republican
opponent, though largely untainted by the plague of scandal which has been
a conspicuous feature of the Giuliani campaign since its outset.

The multi-ethnic ticket is also expected to attract the support of Latino
voters angered by the Democratic frontrunner's overtures to anti-immigrant
groups. A former member of the Congressional Black Caucus, McKinney will
be the first member of this body nominated for executive office. She is
expected to make the war on drugs, widely viewed as catastrophic for
African American communities, a centerpiece of the campaign and has
pledged to make voter registration among traditionally disenfranchised
groups a major focus.

The Green Party ticket's endorsement of single payer, universal health
care has attracted the support of large activist organizations developed
in the wake of Michael Moore's Sicko, which last week became the largest
grossing film in history. The only other candidate supporting single
payer, Ohio Congressman Dennis Kucinich has remained mired in the low
single digits and has, since September, been excluded from debates
sponsored by major news organizations.

Experts noted that while a Gonzalez-McKinney ticket would be a long shot
under normal electoral circumstances, the presence of two moderate
candidates in a four way race leaves the field open for a left wing
challenge.

While lacking the financial resources of the major party candidates, Green
Party officials believe they can compensate for this shortfall through on
line donations and an effectively organized volunteer staff. They note
that these were sufficient to overcome a candidate lavishly financed by
corporations, wealthy donors and the full weight of the Democratic Party
machine in 2003.

While some progressives remain skeptical about the prospects for third
parties, others have reconsidered their position. "A year ago I was on
record as saying 'It's not going to happen'. Now I'm not so sure," said
one who insisted on anonymity.

John Halle is a Professor at the Bard College Conservatory of Music and
former Green Party Alderman from New Haven's Ninth Ward.

source: http://www.dissidentvoice.org/2007/07/how-a-green-won/

Dane Smith and Charlie Quimby: The good life, as begotten by good government

In the propaganda of profligacy, tax money is always wasted. But statistics suggest that it generates wealth we can spend on ourselves.

The premise, of course, is that government is wasteful and profligate, while you are prudent and frugal.

Now comes a July 14 Star Tribune report with some fun facts from the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS). Twin Cities households ranked first among 24 metropolitan areas in household spending on home furnishings and entertainment, third in eating out, third in alcohol consumption, and sixth in personal-care items. One retailer in the article observed that upscale consumers are increasingly demanding not just premium vodka, but "super ultra premium vodka."

Let's just quickly review and compare how state and local governments have been squandering "your" money. Almost all public-sector spending goes for these frivolities: public schools and colleges, health care for the elderly and for poor families with children, roads and mass transit, libraries, environmental protection, parks, police and fire protection, courts and corrections. (Some might argue that government officials and the Legislature do provide entertainment, but this is basically a free sideshow, not a budget line item.)

Earlier this summer, we learned from another federal report that Minnesota had sunk to a modern-era low, 23rd among the states, in state and local government taxes as a percent of income, and to 31st in government expenditures as a percent of income. By these measures, our government is significantly smaller than in the mid-1990s, before some of the largest state income tax cuts in the nation were pushed through in 1999 and 2002. (Advocates of those cuts said they would spur economic growth.)

Next comes a troubling report in the July 18 Star Tribune: "Since 2004, Minnesota's growth in jobs, per-capita personal income and output of goods and services has risen at a lower pace than the national average."

High consumer spending on luxuries, proportionately less government spending and slower-than-average overall economic growth. Could there be a connection?

As pointed out in the July 14 story, our high rankings on nearly every consumer-spending category are explained in large part by the fact that our incomes were third-highest of the 24 metropolitan areas. But the dramatic growth in Minnesota's wealth and income over the past three decades actually occurred when taxes were higher than they are now and when "we" were spending more on "us." And our economy has stagnated since we cut government and taxes, giving "you" more money to spend on "you."

Deep down, Minnesotans know that the good life is not all fine wine and skin-care products. Sure enough, digging into the BLS data, we found that the Twin Cities also rank second in consumer spending on health care and cash donations and sixth in education. Throw in our seventh-place spending on reading, and our priorities as consumers start to align more closely with our public spending.

Let's acknowledge that government can waste money, spend inefficiently and make mistakes, just as individual consumers do. But Minnesota, widely admired as a relatively efficient, clean, good-government state, has spent your money pretty well, too.

A truly healthy state economy depends both on spending by individuals, making considered judgments about their families' needs, and on pooled investment that reflects our common wisdom, values and hopes for the future. Instead of viewing government spending as somehow inferior to or more frivolous than individual, consumer-driven decisions, we should insist that the money be invested as wisely and cost-effectively as possible.

If Minnesota's total investment in the public sector increased by just 1 percentage point as a share of personal income, state and local governments would have $2 billion more per year to improve schools and graduation rates, catch up on a long-neglected transportation system, and restore health care to the thousands who have lost it as a result of a gradual disinvestment in the public sector.

Restoring tax fairness, with income tax rates at the top tier that are closer to the rates high earners paid in the roaring 1990s, would go a long way toward restoring the public investment that Minnesota needs to help maintain its lofty position in the consumer-spending rankings and support broad-based economic growth.

And not to worry, there would be plenty left over for "super ultra premium" vodka, as well as all the other spending that you can do better than the government can.

Dane Smith is president and Charlie Quimby is a communications fellow at Growth & Justice, a nonpartisan economic think tank based in St. Paul.






Crispin Sartwell: We pet the dog, and then we eat the cow

Our idea of moral behavior toward animals varies by species.

The Michael Vick dogfighting case, and all of the attention on dogfighting and its attendant practices, show one thing very clearly: As a society, we have no idea what we think about animals.

I watched cable news recently, and almost every anchor interviewed an official of the Humane Society, and all expressed horror, especially that Vick's indictment had accused him and his fellow defendants of executing dogs in ways apparently designed to be as cruel as possible: drowning, strangling, electrocution. One official compared the practice to child pornography.

Then I went into town for some lunch, driving past all of the franchises peddling ground cow for human consumption.

If killing dogs is the equivalent of child pornography, while eating cows is simply a way to put off mowing the lawn, we seem to be conflicted -- or reeking with hypocrisy and confusion.

We have a set of intuitions, driven partly by our interactions with pets, that many animals can experience pain in a morally significant way, that they can suffer, or be used and degraded. Perhaps they have somewhat less of a claim on us than human beings do, but they make a claim.

But another set of intuitions is driven by our dietary habits or our experience of thumping squirrels and armadillos on the road: that an animal is little more than an inanimate object, and can be used in whatever way a human being sees fit.

In practice, the moral claims of animals vary by species and track our sense of the animal's proximity -- cognitive, emotional, physical -- to ourselves. We become truly sentimental: We write memoirs with our dogs, talk baby-talk to them, let them lick our faces. But about other species we are as hard-nosed as possible. Essentially, we do whatever we feel like to them whenever we want.

If we really believed cruelty to animals debased humans who participate, we'd have to accept that our massive, industrial-scale systems of cruelty to cows deeply debase all humanity.

Crispin Sartwell teaches philosophy at Dickinson College in Carlisle, Pa. He wrote this article for The Philadelphia Inquirer.






Wednesday, July 25, 2007

Minneapolis top candidate for Greens '08

The city is one of four being considered to host the party's national convention.


minneapolis might be getting greener in 2008 without planting a single tree.

The Green Party is currently considering Minneapolis along with Chicago, Detroit and Oakland, Calif., as potential host cities for its 2008 national convention. If held in Minneapolis, the convention would be only months before the Republican National Convention comes to St. Paul.

Cam Gordon, Minneapolis' Ward 2 councilman, spearheaded the campaign to bring the convention to Minneapolis.

Gordon, a Green Party member, was joined by another Green, Minneapolis Park and Recreation Board Commissioner Annie Young, at the Green Party National Meeting in Reading, Pa., on July 14 and 15 to make the pitch for Minneapolis.

"I think our presentation went real well," Gordon said. "We were organized and had energy and I think we made the case pretty well."

Gordon and Young presented a 15-minute slideshow and video presentation. The video, "Meet Minneapolis," gave a crowd of roughly 150 delegates a three-minute glimpse into the city.

"Like the mayor, I like to sell Minneapolis," Young said. "I think we're ready to do something like this."

Young and Gordon agreed their presentation was the best executed. Young said only Minneapolis had a PowerPoint presentation and a movie.

Oakland, which Gordon said was a late applicant, could be the biggest competition, Young said. Gordon added that California is known for being politically active.

Gordon is no stranger to advancing the Green Party in Minnesota. In 1994, Gordon was a founding member of the state's Green Party.

"I think the Green Party offers a lot to the state and the city," he said. "I'm a strong believer in multiparty government."

Scott McLarty, media coordinator for the national Green Party, said a decision on the host city will be made in about a month.

The party also has a list of more than 10 presidential hopefuls that will vie for the presidential nomination, McLarty said.

The possibility of holding a convention in the same metro area near the same time as the Republicans would be fine, McLarty said.

"If they don't bother us, we won't bother them," he said. "Greens will show Republicans how to behave properly at a convention."

Chris Taylor, Midwest regional press secretary for the Republican National Committee, said he doesn't feel threatened.

He said he's sure the Green Party is looking into cities the same way Republicans did. Taylor said the Republican National Committee was wowed by Minneapolis, and he's not surprised that the Green Party is considering the city.

Ruth Weill, chair of the Green Party's Annual National Meetings Committee, said Minneapolis is a very strong candidate that is eager to host the convention.

"It's a very Green city," she said.

Weill said other party members feel the host city should be larger than Minneapolis, although she felt that the city would be big enough.

Weill added that many people at the Green Party National Meeting were very impressed with the Minneapolis presentation.

"It would be great to be in Minneapolis," she said. "Politics are everywhere, not just the coasts."

The Midwest is familiar with the Green Party. Milwaukee hosted the 2004 Green Party Convention.

Andrew Bender Dahl, an urban studies senior, is co-chairman of the University College Greens. He said he has been involved with the Green Party for five years.

"(The Green Party) platform is what I believe in politically," Bender Dahl said.

Bender Dahl said he feels Minneapolis has a pretty good chance of being selected. He also said that a convention would be a constructive place to display alternative views to the Republican Party.

"It's not meant to be blatant opposition," Bender Dahl said. "(Green Party conventions) are about building our movement."

Bender Dahl said the Green philosophy is similar to traditional, conservative Republican philosophy in that smaller government is favored. He said the main difference between the parties is their stance on war.

Trevor Ford, a University graduate, was a member of the College Republicans. He said unless the two conventions were held at the same time and place, he didn't see any problem.

Ford said he could see the Green Party becoming strong in Minnesota because many people are frustrated with the Democrats and Republicans, although he said the Green Party wasn't for him.

"I think they take (environmental views) further than I would," he said.

Political science and marketing sophomore Andy Post is the former treasurer of the University's chapter of College Republicans. Now, Post serves as executive director for the state organization for College Republicans.

Post said, as a Republican, he is not threatened by the smaller party's potential Twin Cities convention.

"We welcome anyone to have their convention here," he said. "(But) ours is going to be better."


source: http://www.mndaily.com/articles/2007/07/25/72122

Sunday, July 22, 2007

ICED! "I CAN END DEPORTATION"

Breakthrough's much-talked about game has been the "item to watch" on and offline. This 3D downloadable game, teaches players about the unjust nature of U.S immigration policy.

ICED was just featured in the LA Times, ABC News and Fox News. ICED also was covered on popular blogs including, "Rethink Immigration." To get a full list of media, please look at the left-hand tool bar.

How do you play?

Game players have to live the day-to-day life of an immigrant teen. The teens are constantly being chased by immigration officers, while making moral/consequential decisions and answering myth & fact quizzes about current immigration policies.

If the player chooses or answers incorrectly, he/she increases his or her chances of being thrown into detention. Once in detention, the player endures both physical separation from his/her family and unjust conditions while awaiting, often for unknown amounts of time, the random outcome of his/her case.

The game is set to launch online in November 2007.

source: http://www.breakthrough.tv/product_detail.asp?proid=92&id=7

Wednesday, July 18, 2007

rise in world oil use and a possible shortage of supplies are seen in the next 5 years

DISPLAYING ABSTRACT - International Energy Agency report predicts that world oil demand will rise faster than previously expected over next five years while production slips, threatening supply crisis; advises 26 industrial nations that global demand will rise by average 2.2 percent each year from 2007 to 2012, up from forecast in February of 2 percent annual growth from 2006 to 2011; says share of world oil consumption represented by developing world, including emerging industrial economies, will rise to 46 percent of global demand by 2012 from 42 percent

The world needs 3 million barrels per day more to offset falling production in the mature fields outside OPEC. Beyond 2010, OPEC's tight capacity will make available oil supplies expensive. Oil production may not peak - but it will no longer keep up in demand. Supply will be stagnant after 2012 until it begins to fall - meaning we are at the peak ( or plateau ) of oil production.

This is yet another reason nations and states should sign onto the Oil Depletion Protocol before they cannot afford to.

US exasperated by Ethiopian backsliding on democracy


July 18, 2007 (WASHINGTON) — Both the Bush administration and Congress are growing exasperated over Ethiopia’s backsliding from democracy but are wary of applying too much pressure against a country that has become an important anti-terror ally in East Africa.


Members of the Democratic-controlled Congress are under fewer restraints than President George W. Bush’s administration, which has relied on the help of Ethiopian troops in ousting Islamic militants from power in parts of neighboring Somalia.

In the House of Representatives, the Africa subcommittee of the Foreign Affairs Committee is completing work Wednesday on legislation that decries Ethiopia’s recent human rights record and opens the door for sanctions. The subcommittee’s approval would be a first major step, but the bill still would have to be passed by both houses of Congress and signed into law by Bush.

Democratic Rep. Donald Payne, the subcommittee’s chairman, told The Associated Press he has had no response to his bill from White House officials, but "I think they would prefer if we just left it alone."

"This is not a punitive bill," he said. Any sanctions would kick in only if Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s government does not return to democracy and restore human rights protections.

On Monday, a court in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa sentenced 35 opposition politicians and activists to life in prison and eight others to lesser terms for inciting violence in an attempt to overthrow the government. Judges threw out charges of treason and attempted genocide and rejected the government’s recommendation for death sentences.

The Federal High Court trial began in December 2005 after the opposition organized protests following elections earlier that year that foreign observers said were badly flawed. The demonstrations were smashed by police, and scores were killed.

The defendants asked for pardons in a letter sent to Meles weeks before the sentences were announced. In testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on Tuesday, Barry F. Lowenkron, assistant secretary of state for democracy and human rights, said Meles announced Monday that he would recommend clemency. The announcement apparently was not made publicly.

The Bush administration has made spreading democracy a cornerstone of its foreign policy. But the administration has had to violate the principle more than once: refusing to deal with objectionable elected governments, such as that headed by the militant Islamic group Hamas in the Palestinian territories. It also has dealt with clearly undemocratic governments such as those in some former Soviet republics in Central Asia.

In an indication that even the administration has determined not to pull all its punches in Ethiopia, Lowenkron’s testimony before the Senate Foreign Affairs Committee was relatively straightforward and at times harsh.

He spoke of the illegal detention of "opposition leaders and tens of thousands of their supporters" and said: "To this day the crackdown casts a shadow over the Ethiopian government."

Lowenkron said he had spent 85 minutes of a 90-minute conversation with Meles in March discussing the state of democracy in Ethiopia and Meles said he would make changes "because it’s in the interest of the people of Ethiopia."

"I told him it should be in the interest of all the people of Ethiopia, including those that are in prison and need to be let out," Lowenkron said.

Democratic Sen. Russell Feingold, who chaired the hearing, urged strong action to right the Ethiopian situation.

"We cannot tolerate a country like that moving in the wrong direction if they want to have the relationship with us that they want to have and that we want to have with them," Feingold said.

(AP)


( The above is a photo of Oromo living in Minnesota marching for justice and peace for their people in Ethiopia. The US Government continues to support Ethiopia, who occupy Oromo and Somali lands. The American theory is that the "enemy of our enemy is our friend." This theory didn't work well with Iraq, who was our ally against Iran, as they murdered Kurds. )

Tuesday, July 17, 2007

Ethiopia needs to take seriously democracy and human rights

Editorial, The Wall Street Journal

July 17, 2007 — Let’s play name-that-state. After the EU declared its 2005 elections flawed, this country’s troops killed 193 protestors and arrested 20,000 more. Last week, 42 of the accused were convicted of inciting violence to overthrow the state (down from an original charge of genocide and treason). Thirty-five were condemned to life in prison and forbidden to vote on Monday. Some of the accused were journalists, so their publishing houses were fined and closed.

Did you guess Ethiopia? Probably not, since this African state has often been held up as a pillar of good governance on a troubled continent. In just over a decade, Ethiopia went from military rule to a parliamentary system. But this democracy is on paper only.

The convictions are not an isolated incident, nor are the 42 defendants just any opposition figures. They include the elected mayor of Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa, a former Harvard scholar and a former U.N. envoy. They’ve been condemned to the same fate, life in prison, as ousted military strongman Mengistu Hailee Mariam, who is held responsible for the murder of 150,000 academics and university students in two decades in power.

Given the government’s recent record, it’s odd to say the least to see Prime Minister Meles Zenawi advise Tony Blair’s Commission for Africa in 2005 on the future of the continent. Or to hear that the Bush Administration considers Mr. Meles a "staunch ally" in the war on terror for searching out al Qaeda suspects during Ethiopia’s messy military intervention in neighboring Somalia and makes the country a priority recipient of U.S. assistance. (The world last year sent $1.6 billion.)

America needs to work with all kinds of regimes and military cooperation doesn’t always have to be tied to democratic progress. But if Ethiopia wants to become a real ally of the U.S., possibly playing host to the new African Command, it needs to take seriously democracy and human rights.

Monday, July 16, 2007

Ethiopia slaps life sentences on more than 30 opposition figures

KALITI, Ethiopia (AFP) - Ethiopia's high court on Monday sentenced 35 opposition leaders to life imprisonment for inciting rebellion, after the prosecution had asked for the death penalty. if
Those sentenced in the wake of violence that rocked the capital during 2005 elections included Hailu Shawl and Bernahu Nega, two senior leaders of the opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) party.

Five of the life sentences handed down by the court sitting in Kaliti, some 25 kilometres (16 miles) from the capital Addis Ababa, were given in absentia.

Eight of the 38 defendants present received prison terms ranging from 18 months to 18 years from judge Adil Ahmed.

"Even though some of the accused have been found guilty of multiple charges the court has deemed life imprisonment as a sufficient and comprehensive verdict for the action taken," Adil said.

All the defendants can appeal the ruling in the Supreme Court and as a last resort ask for presidential pardon.

The London-based rights watchdog Amnesty International protested the sentences and called for the defendants' release.

"On the basis of the information we have, most -- if not all -- of those sentenced today are prisoners of conscience imprisoned on account of their opinions, who have not used or advocated violence and should therefore be immediately and unconditionally released," Erwin van der Borght, Director of Amnesty's Africa Programme, said in a statement.

Prosecutors last week had requested the death penalty for 38 of the defendants, who were among scores put on trial on charges of inciting the violence following the disputed polls which the ruling party won but the opposition claims were rigged.

"According to the country's penal code maximum punishment should be dealt to parties found guilty of plotting against the constitution," chief prosecutor Abraha Tetemke had said on July 9.

News that prosecutors had requested the death penalty earned the US-backed regime of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi a warning from Washington.

"We call on the Ethiopian government and High Court to take action in making a final sentencing determination which is consistent with the greater objectives of bolstering the rule of law and promoting much-needed reconciliation," State Department spokesman Sean McCormack had said.

The Paris-based media watchdog Reporters Without Borders (RSF) had also expressed great concern last week and described the prosecutors' requested sentence as "outrageous"

"By demanding the death penalty for members of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy, the prosecutor has confirmed to the international community that Prime Minister Meles Zenawi's government is trying to stifle all political opposition," RSF said in a statement last week.

Four journalists were among the defendants. One was sentenced to life in prison, while the other three received sentences of 18 years, three years and 18 months respectively.

The verdict "didn't come as a surprise, we all expected it," said a relative of one of the main defendants speaking on condition of anonymity. "There is absolutely nothing to regret in their actions".

Earlier this year, the Ethiopian parliament approved a report which said 193 civilians and six policemen died during the unrest in 2005 in one of the darkest chapters in the country's recent past.

The violence in Addis Ababa and other cities in June and November 2005 "occurred due to infancy of the democratic system of the country", the report said.

The figures compiled by the inquiry were three times higher than the government's official death toll of 54, prompting protests from Western donors.
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