Hon. Raila Odinga's  Vision for Kenya and Kenyans 
 HON RAILA ODINGA'S  VISION LAUNCH SPEECH ON 6TH, MAY 2007
  YOUR Excellencies,  Honourable Members of Parliament, Ladies and Gentlemen,
 I, Raila Amolo Odinga,  hereby submit my application to the people of Kenya for the position of  president, which shall fall vacant later this year.
 IT was our forefathers  who coined and encapsulated the Kenyan Dream, at the time our country became an  independent nation in 1963. They expressed the Dream in the words of our  national anthem:
 “Justice be our shield  and defender.
   May we dwell in  unity, peace and liberty;
   Plenty be found  within our borders.”
    Sadly, today, more  than 43 years later, we are further from realising the Dream of our forefathers  than we were at Independence.
  We all know we want  to change this. We want to end the way our leaders have used and abused us for  the past four decades. 
    We confirmed this  during the referendum on the Constitution, when the people of this nation rose  up in a tremendous swell of humanity and said, ‘No’ to the Wako Draft, which had  sought to entrench and expand executive power.
    It will be a  similarly crucial decision when the members of the Orange Democratic  Movement-Kenya choose their flag-bearer for the 2007 general election.  
    It will be a  crucial decision because it will affect every Kenyan. It will be important not  only for the party, which must be strong and principled, but also for the  country.
    Almost every Kenyan  today is affected by poverty, insecurity, poor education, inadequate health  services, lack of social welfare programmes, huge disparities in income, absence  of opportunity, disempowerment and consequent hopelessness and despair.
    We have been  spinning out of control on a downward spiral for more than 40 years. Experts  have described Kenya as “a country of great potential but a disappointing  under-achiever”!
    At Independence,  Kenya’s economy was at par with that of South Korea. All the major economic  indicators in the two nations – GDP, per capita income, literacy,  industrialisation – were comparable. 
    Forty-three years  down the road, the South Korean economy is 40 times the size of Kenya’s.
    Forty times! Not  double, or triple, or even ten times, but 40 times larger.
  What did the South  Koreans do right that Kenyans did wrong? We believe we have the answer to that  question.
    The answer has its  beginnings in those days, many decades ago, immediately after Independence, when  the united nationalist movement, which had fought for and won our freedom from  colonial rule, fractured. 
    It fractured down a  fault line that divided two diametrically opposed forces, two contrasting  ideologies.
  In simple terms,  one of those two ideologies wanted retention of the colonial status quo. That  ideological group was the one that was forming government policy. The new  government’s policies were based on maximising growth immediately and taking  care of equitable distribution later.
   In simple terms,  one of those two ideologies wanted retention of the colonial status quo. That  ideological group was the one that was forming government policy. The new  government’s policies were based on maximising growth immediately and taking  care of equitable distribution later.
    This meant  investing in those parts of the country that were already prosperous, due to  their proximity to the centre of colonial power. The policy was justified with  the explanation that, as the nation became more prosperous, the benefits would  trickle down to everyone. 
    The promised  trickle-down effect has never happened. Families who were poor then have become  poorer. Millions of Kenyans have since been born into poverty – grinding poverty  that defines and dogs their lives from birth to death, and from which there  appears no chance of escape.
    The policies  pursued by successive regimes since Independence have not facilitated  mobilisation of our natural and human resources for faster economic growth in  tandem with the increased population. Instead, the national cake has been  shrinking.
    During the colonial  years, when the nationalist movement was fighting against repressive colonial  structures, opposition politics had always been portrayed as an illegitimate  activity, and those involved had been criminalised and condemned.  
    After Independence,  the new leaders, facing opposition from those whose concern for the poor was  threatening their own acquisition of wealth, lost no time in adopting and  employing the same repressive tactics that were its colonial heritage.
    The struggle in our  nation has continued. It has taken different turns at different times in our  history but it has never ended. It has been a consistent quest for development,  equality and fair sharing of our nation’s wealth.
    We have sought and  worked for a new Constitution, against the efforts of many of our elitist  leaders – who still seek, just like those leaders after Independence, to protect  their powerful and privileged positions.
    Our national  Constitution was first eroded when the post of prime minister, which we had at  Independence, was abolished a year later, in order to vest greater power in the  presidency.
    Until that time, we  had had two legislatures within our parliament, the House, which we retain  today, and the Senate. The Senate was there to provide checks and balances on  the work of the House. 
    These checks and  balances disappeared as the Senate was discarded – the first of many amendments  to the Constitution that not only increased presidential power and created an  imperial presidency but also emasculated all the other institutions of  government, including the House itself and the judiciary.
    What followed was  cronyism, where the president appointed only his friends, tribalism, where the  president appointed only his tribe, nepotism, where the president appointed only  his relatives, and the primitive accumulation of wealth through corruption by  these few at the expense of the many with nothing.
    This sorry state of  affairs was made infinitely worse with the publication and implementation of the  Ndegwa Commission Report of 1971, which allowed civil servants also to engage in  private business. This in effect legalised and institutionalised conflict of  interest within the civil service, which led to gross inefficiency and  exploitation of the system for personal gain. 
    This is something  that has destroyed any chance of progress in the provision of public services in  Kenya and has dramatically affected the lives of every Kenyan today.
    We have witnessed  grand larceny on an unprecedented scale, particularly in the field of government  procurement, and particularly regarding infrastructure, defence and government  supplies. This corruption has fleeced the country of billions and billions of  shillings. Where a lot of this money has gone is more than evident in the way  senior civil servants and military personnel retire from public service as  multi-billionaires.
    To paraphrase the  immortal words of the late JM Kariuki: We did not attain independence to have a  country of 1,000 millionaires and   34 million beggars. 
 This kind of conflict  of interest drew the alarm and dismay of some of our early leaders. They opposed  what was happening and stood up for the poor of Kenya – and many of these  opponents of looting died in their attempts to defend their poverty-stricken  fellow countrymen and women.
    It is against this  background of conflict of interest in many areas of public life that we can seek  and find explanations for the assassinations of such patriots as Pio Gama Pinto  in 1965; of Tom Mboya in 1969; of those who died in the Kisumu massacre on  October 25, 1969; of JM Kariuki, in 1975; of Robert Ouko in 1991; and of  Odhiambo Mbai, in 2005.
    It is against this  background that we can seek and find explanations for the arrest and detention  without trial of many Kenyans, including Kenneth Matiba, Charles Rubia and  myself in 1990. Those detained over the years included university lecturers,  students, lawyers, law enforcement officers, journalists, MPs, private citizens.  Their names, and the names of many other Kenyans – some of them no longer with  us – make up the roll call of those who suffered in the cause of the Second  Liberation of this country.
    It would be a  terrible indictment of this country if their suffering remained forever in vain.
    Those of us who  worked for the Second Liberation formed the Forum for the Restoration of  Democracy in 1991. That group suffered a split and most of us who had been there  from the start moved on into Ford-Kenya. When it became clear there, again, that  some of our original principles were being subsumed by personal ambition, those  of us of like mind became members of the National Development Party, which  eventually went into a merger with the then ruling party, Kanu.  
    Ultimately, we  formed the National Rainbow Coalition, in the hope that this would prove a  powerful alliance that would finally set us back on the right path in our  journey towards the Kenyan Dream. 
       Everything was  anchored on that Dream. We wanted to achieve the Kenyan Dream, and we needed a  legal framework for its realisation. The emphasis was on review and reform of  the constitutional architecture that underpinned our nation. We needed a new  Constitution, one that would replace the old, colonial-inspired edifice that had  suffered a patchwork of amendments over the years – all designed to keep one  party in power. A new Constitution was the conditione sine qua non of the way  forward.
    Unfortunately, we  were shortchanged by a few opportunistic elements – self-seekers, relics of the  old order, people who could not change.
    But we HAVE to  change. As Martin Luther King, Jr. said: “The ultimate measure of a [person] is  not where he [or she] stands in moments of comfort, but where he [or she] stands  at times of challenge and controversy.”
    I believe, as  Mahatma Gandhi before me that “progress depends on not repeating the past and  that, if we are to make progress, we must not repeat history but make new  history.”
    Gandhi also  cautioned us against seven ills that we must guard against lest we are destroyed  as a country. These are: 
    • politics without  principle; 
    • pleasure without  conscience; 
    • wealth without  work; 
    • knowledge without  character; 
    • business without  morality; 
    • science without  humanity, 
    • worship without  sacrifice.
    I am deeply  committed to a new Constitution and a parliamentary system of government, as  contained in the Bomas Draft. The USA is the only country among the major  western powers with a presidential system. All the rest are parliamentary  democracies, and this is what we must aim for in Kenya. 
    We must remove  power from the power brokers and give it back to the people of this country, so  that the people have a real say in their destiny, and are not just dispensable  pawns in a complicated game being played by our leaders to rules that only they  know.
    Presidential  systems are associated with lower public spending and fewer benefits for the  people, and this eventually results in the kind of inequality that characterises  our system. That is what I will change. Power-sharing in a people-driven and  consultative process is the way forward, along with devolution of power, as  provided for in the Bomas Draft. This is something I am 100 per cent committed  to.
    Concomitant with  the ideals contained in the Bomas Draft is dual citizenship for Kenyans. Kenyans  abroad remit billions of shillings – far more than our country earns from  foreign aid – yet, Kenyans living abroad are not recognised and bestowed with  the rights all citizens must have, including the right to vote. My government  will change that.
    I believe that, for  our country, weneed a social-market economy – also christened the Third Way. It  is the system best suited to achieving faster socio-economic development and  equitable distribution of the fruits of our labour. 
    The private sector  must be promoted as the engine for more efficient wealth-creation, while  ensuring equity in the distribution of the wealth generated by our efforts.
    My government will  concentrate on creating a favourable environment for the private sector to  prosper. Under a clear privatisation policy, government will quickly exit from  profitable and well-managed companies and cede ownership to the Kenyan people. 
  
    My government will  only intervene in enterprises where public effort is required for restructuring,  and eventually privatising, or by providing seed capital in investments that are  needed, but where the risk-reward ratio is too high for the private sector  alone. Where such intervention is necessary, my government will exit at maturity  of the investment.
    Above all, in order  to be able to move from the clutches of poverty, our economy must grow in  double-digit figures, and as it does so, the accruing benefits must be equitably  distributed among our people. My team of skilled economists, men and women  selected on merit alone, will oversee the re-engineering of our economy to end  the vicious circle of “private affluence and public squalor”.
    We will invest  heavily in the development of people-power, emulating those countries whose  success has grown beyond measure as their developed people-power drives their  economies.
    And to move the  economy forward, we must immediately invest heavily in three things:
    • number one,  infrastructure!
    • number two,  infrastructure!
    • number three,  infrastructure!
    In this regard, we  will:
    • expand and  modernise the railway system;
    • sustain ongoing  reforms to improve telecommunications;
    • convert Mombasa  port into a free port, construct another port at Lamu, and modernise the inland  port at Kisumu;
    • expand and  elevate to international airport status Kisumu, Malindi and Wajir’s facilities,  as well as expanding and improving those at Isiolo, Lamu and Lodwar up to full  airport status;
    • rehabilitate and  expand our road network, building a dual carriageway from Mombasa to  Malaba/Busia;
    • construct  water-supply and conservation systems for irrigation and industrial, domestic  and livestock usage;
    • improve the  infrastructure in all our cities and major towns.
    The net effect of  this massive investment in infrastructure will be an increase in  wealth-generation, and my government will ensure that this wealth is widely  distributed through increased employment.
    We shall emphasise  the productive sectors of the economy – manufacturing, large-scale agriculture,  and the IT revolution. 
    We shall also  promote development of the service sector, including tourism, communications and  financial service, while laying specific emphasis on the expansion of capital  markets.
    In this context, my  government will vigorously pursue the following:
    price stability in  the economy;
    a policy of  meaningful and sustainable public debt;
    a tax policy that  encourages domestic savings for investment in increased production and more  equitable wealth distribution. A centerpiece of this policy will be the creation  of a large middle-income group in the country that will rapidly constitute a  large market, which in turn will fuel further private-sector investment.
    We shall facilitate  access by Kenyans to the factors of production, including land, capital and  technology, all of which are essential for the upward social mobility of the  people. 
    In doing so, we  shall pay particular attention to the need of women to access the factors of  production, introducing legislation that will ensure women equal rights with men  in this regard, and consolidating and expanding women’s access to credit  facilities, business advisory services and training. We shall work to remove the  socio-cultural, policy and legislative frameworks that perpetuate the  marginalisation of women and girls in our society.
    My government will  pay special attention to creating opportunities within rural areas, where the  majority of Kenyans live. We shall provide support and training to farmers,  fishermen and pastoralist communities. We shall also pursue a policy of  investing in facilities that add value to locally available produce.
    We shall launch our  version of the Marshall Plan – the recovery programme introduced in Europe after  World War II – in historically marginalised regions of the country, in order to  fast-track development in education, health, social services, infrastructure and  facilities for livestock processing and marketing.
    We propose  increasing provision for the Constituency Development Fund from 2.5 per cent of  the national budget to 10 per cent – the Kibaki government having refused to  increase it to 7.5 per cent, despite parliamentary approval. The emphasis will  be on placing more resources in the hands of communities, where funds will be  used directly to meet the needs of the local people and enhance the production  of wealth where the majority of people live.
    Food is a basic  need but, because of huge and widespread poverty and unemployment, people are  still starving, even when National Cereals & Produce Board silos are full –  because they have no money to buy the food. My government will pursue a policy  that will ensure there is sufficient food available to rural and urban poor at  affordable prices.
    Shelter is another  basic need, but all we have is a proliferation of unplanned and ill-developed  settlements all over the country, with an unacceptably large population of our  people living in makeshift shelters. My government will correct this situation  by developing and implementing a sound physical planning policy, to be followed  by the development of appropriate and affordable and secure shelter for the  people. 
    Social security is  a fundamental human right, and it is the responsibility of the government to  provide it, in order to protect the people from destitution and other vagaries  of life. My government will ensure the establishment of an effective social  protection policy framework under three pillars:
    a universal social  welfare insurance scheme;
    employer-driven  contributory pension schemes;
       and (iii)  private savings, insurance policies and co-operatives.
    With regard to  factors of production, my government will develop a progressive and clearly  articulated land policy, based on a set of simplified, rationalised and  consolidated laws and regulations. This is a critical requirement for sustained  economic recovery.
    We shall promote  Kenyans to engineer growth and development in the private sector, at the same  time attracting foreign direct investment by creating favourable conditions for  that investment, including tax holidays – and most importantly by removing the  bureaucratic red tape that currently dogs potential investors and helps prevent  the creation of wealth.   
    We shall remove the  punitive taxation that is killing domestic industries, as well as putting  structures in place to remove the possibility of extortion, particularly that  regularly practised by Kenya Revenue Authority personnel when they visit  companies and other enterprises.
    To protect all our  investments, we shall dedicate increased resources for training, equipment,  housing, pay, life and health insurance, and retirement benefits for our  law-enforcement personnel. But we shall tackle not only the apprehension of  criminals but also the prevention of those human conditions that become the  seedbed of criminal activity, first among them poverty, and second ignorance.
    We shall develop a  curriculum for our schools that answers the moral, social, cultural and economic  needs of our country. 
    We shall employ  more teachers and provide them with better training and remuneration, with the  objective of achieving within five years a teacher/student ratio of one to 35.
    We shall provide  continuous, compulsory education from primary to secondary in all schools, and  ensure standardised physical facilities and equipment in all public education  institutions.
    We shall enhance  the establishment of post-secondary vocational training institutions for  artisanry and middle-level managerial training.
    We shall also  restructure the ownership and management of village polytechnics to provide more  effective training, and we will ensure that there is a public university in each  province.
    Delivering  universal healthcare of an acceptable standard is an urgent priority. The  clinics that dotted our estates and countryside soon after independence were  well equipped and efficient, and offered a meaningful service to patients. All  that has been lost. We shall expand and improve primary and secondary healthcare  facilities, as well as implementing a comprehensive national social health  insurance scheme.
    My presidency will  be one of ideals and practical ideas. It will be ambitious in achieving its  economic and social goals.
 To help fund the  far-reaching programmes we shall put in place, we plan to broaden the tax base,  which will at the same time allow us to reduce the individual tax burden,  particularly for certain overtaxed groups in society, such as civil servants,  who will benefit from a significant tax reduction under my administration. 
    More power will be  devolved to communities – the power to shape the future of the environments in  which people live their daily lives, widening the spread of public services and  promoting social development.
    And we will care  for our country. We will face head-on the huge environmental challenges  confronting us. We will recognise that youth are the future, and we will tend  our youth as they grow to maturity, knowing that, in doing so, our nation’s  future is secured.
    To help achieve  that future, we shall position Kenya on a path to the centre of the burgeoning  Pan-African trading bloc, so that our nation becomes a key player in African  political and economic development. 
    The moral ethic  that drove public servants to provide a quality public service has been cast  aside, because of our people’s confusion as they have watched their leaders loot  and pillage our economy for personal gain. Corruption has “become a god”, in the  words of the Nigerian poet Ben Okri. Unfortunately, we have to face the fact  that it is now a false god worshipped by people from the top of our society to  the bottom. 
    I will use all the  powers of my office and energy to shatter this false god. I will help cultivate  and promote a new national morality, a sound work ethic, a pride reborn in what  it means to be a citizen of this country and a new sense of hope. For without  hope, we cannot prosper as a people.
    And to ensure that  the public gets what it deserves from our public servants, I shall establish a  Citizen’s Charter, which will guarantee the standards of service that public  officials must offer all Kenyans. The services I have in mind include the  issuing of business licences, national ID cards, voting cards and passports. The  Charter will detail how the public may seek redress against officials who offer  services that fall short of the standard required. Such officials will be held  accountable.
        Accountability  is the watchword. It’s an old one, but it is a concept never more necessary than  today, when corruption and tribalism have torn large holes in our national  fabric. 
    The Narc coalition  came together in 2002 to put an end to tribalism. Kenyans from all tribes and  all ethnic groups voted for Narc and for Kibaki, who received a clear mandate to  end this vice.
    But the government,  including the president, has let Kenyans down badly. Those who have acted in  ways that have entrenched tribalism even deeper in the past four years are not  going to do anything about it. In fact, they are the ones shouting at the top of  their voices and calling other people tribalists. But Kenyans know who the  true tribalists are.
    Tribalism is today  tearing this country apart. It is at its highest point since Independence. Why  is this happening, when the country voted together to end tribalism only four  years ago?
    The answer is  simple: it is because the most powerful institutions in the country, namely the  Office of the President and State House, have become dens of tribalism. We  cannot fight tribalism in Kenya unless and until these two key institutions are  detribalised. Key Office of the President and State House staff, as long as we  need them under our current Constitution, must reflect the face of the country.
    Under my  government, that will be the case. Staffing at the two offices will reflect our  national diversity, and I challenge anyone to hold me accountable.
    In addition, all  informal government structures that allow family members, personal friends and  moneybags more access and control at State House than elected officials – more  even than cabinet ministers – will go. Kenyans will have only one government –  the one they elected. The informal structures that currently exist are rooted in  tribal alliances and cronyism, and our history tells us that these have been the  real engines running our past and current governments.
    These are the  forces that keep giving us such scams as Goldenberg and Anglo Leasing. They are  the forces that give birth to quagmires such as the Arturs saga. They are forces  that operate above the law of the land and make a mockery of hard-working  Kenyans. We will make this their last year of existence.
    Cabinet ministers  have also turned their ministries into tribal employment agencies, and have made  tribal enclaves of this nation’s financial institutions.
    In my government,  key personnel in the Kenya Revenue Authority, the Central Bank, the ministry of  finance and so on will reflect the face of the country. Institutions will not be  packed with my tribesmen and friends. The governing principles in making  appointments will be merit, accountability and diversity.
    There will be a  proper vetting system to ensure that all public service appointments are based  not only on merit but also reflect the ethnic, gender and age diversities of  Kenya. Appointment lists will be published annually. Affirmative action will be  one of my government’s guiding stars.
    And securing all  this will be defence of our nation, where we shall be sensitive but strong,  focused, decisive and committed. Clear priorities will no longer allow us to  waste billions of shillings buying outdated military equipment that we don’t  need, and whose purchase is simply another means of fleecing the country of  public funds. 
    We shall continue  to maintain robust armed forces but will trim military expenditure to realistic  levels, and invest the resources saved in real and effective law-enforcement  programmes to protect our borders. Among our priorities will be anti-terrorism  efforts, along with properly structured and effective security at our airports  (we want no more Artur incidents in future!) and truly secure port facilities  and inland depots.
    What I have laid  before for you today relates to my realistic Dream of what Kenya could be. I  have laid out objectives, not prescriptive economic programmes. I am not an  economist and I will not pretend to you that I am. 
    Those would-be  leaders who purport to be economic specialists are taking you for a ride – and  we have had too many people doing that in this country for more than four  decades,
    Throughout those  four decades, mandarins have been appointed to public positions they are not  qualified to hold. They have used their undeserved power to take us ever further  from the Dream of our forefathers. 
    That is what I  intend to end. I intend to move this country forward, and away from the imperial  presidency mentality. 
    Our nation now  needs someone who has demonstrated the will to finish forever the culture of  greed and selfishness. 
    I have that will. I  have that history. I have that intention. I am able.
    What I can promise  I will do for you is appoint people to take charge of our economy whose superb  skills make them absolutely the best in their field. It will not matter who  their fathers were or who they know. They will be people who are committed to,  and who can realise, my Dream of a Kenya founded on the notion of all our  citizens having an equal chance in life. 
       I intend to take  this nation to Second World status by the year 2020 – not 2030. We shall make  this happen in our own lifetime. We can do it because ODM-Kenya has brought  together quality Kenyans – not just in the leadership but also among the many  people working behind the scenes, who are deeply committed to the party and its  ideals, and to our beloved country. We shall make a very effective team.
    And it is a team  spirit that will inform and guide all our decisions. When I am elected  president, I shall consider myself merely the first among equals. I will run my  presidency on the basis of extensive consultations prior to decision-making.
    As we meet today,  we are at a crossroads. We have worked hard to get this far. Now the next  decision we make will determine what will become of us. 
    The signposts are  there, but sometimes the fog, especially the fog of propaganda, makes the  signposts indistinct. In deciding which way to go, we must therefore take great  care.
    The road straight  ahead leads only to a dead end. While a few people speed forward on the tarmac,  the rest of us are left floundering at the roadside in a boggy swamp that  engulfs us and holds us fast, leaving us no way of escape, and drowning our  hopes of a better life. 
    But the road down  which I guide you is the right one for this nation. The road crosses a bridge of  sturdy steel that will not bend or break, no matter how often it is lashed by  storms or blown by the four winds. The bridge remains strong and steadfast,  spanning the turbulent waters beneath, providing safe passage to the other side. 
    Our nation needs  this bridge, to carry us from the honest efforts of our forefathers, struggling  for independence, through the contest for multi-partyism, on to the work of the  referendum, and now beyond all that to the future. 
    I am that bridge –  the bridge that links the historic moments of our past to the golden tomorrows  of our future. 
    Kenyans! I call on  you!
 If, today, you feel  the same passion I feel for our country;
 If you want the same  things I want, the same things I have fought for all my life;
       Kenyans!
    If you share my  Dream, if you share my hope, if you share my will, if you share my  determination;
    If you want us, as  a nation, to grow into what our forefathers dreamed of;
 Kenyans!  
    If you love your  families and you want the best for them;
    If you yourself  have a Dream of being the best YOU can be – we can win.
    We can win the  ultimate prize of freedom-from-want, and of economic self-determination and  self-respect, for every citizen in this country.
    Some people see  things happen, and they ask, ‘Why?’ I dream of a united, developed and  democratic Kenya, and I ask, ‘Why not?’
    Join me! Join me as  we return to our forefathers’ visionary path towards the Kenyan Dream, as we  cast off and leave behind us four decades of political darkness.
    If you make the  right decision (and I know you will), we can at last go forward, together, to  realise the Dream for our nation.
    To paraphrase  Nelson Mandela, I dream of a Kenya at peace with itself; a country free of  hatred. As Martin Luther King Jr said, hatred paralyses life while love releases  it. Hatred confuses life, while love harmonises it. Hatred darkens life, while  love illuminates it.
    I preach love,  commitment and equality for our country.
    Fellow citizens,  join me on this journey for peace and prosperity! We have climbed many hills  together.
    I can see the hill  ahead and together I know we will conquer it!
    Thank you.  
    God Bless you, and  God Bless Kenya.
 Kenyatta International  Conference Centre, Nairobi, May 6, 2007
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source: http://www.odmk.org/